Geoffrey
of Crowcombe: a witness to early thirteenth century Ireland
Niall
C.E.J. O’Brien
In a previous article
we met a person called Geoffrey of Crowcombe who was the husband of Alice de
Cormeilles, daughter of Walter de Cormeilles and sister of Margaret de
Cormeilles. Here is a link to that article [article link = Margaret de Cormeilles and a miscarriage of justice]. In this article we explore the
relationship, if any, that Geoffrey de Cormeilles had with Ireland. Let us
first recount some of the information relating to Geoffrey from the previous
article
Geoffrey of Crowcombe
was an active person in the early years of the reign of Henry III. In June 1220
Geoffrey of Crowcombe was in Poitou on the king’s service and the sheriff of
Gloucestershire was order to give respite to Geoffrey of Crowcombe for a demand
of money because Geoffrey was out of the country. In May 1225 Geoffrey of
Crowcombe was sent to France as an ambassador for Henry III. In 1229-30 he was
assessor and collector of the tallage in Norfolk and Suffolk. About April 1230
Geoffrey was made sheriff of Oxfordshire. From October 1232 to March 1234
Geoffrey of Crowcombe was issuing royal writs on behalf of the king. In June
1234 Geoffrey was given custody of the royal manor of Woodstock (now Blenheim
Palace) while continuing to hold the royal castle at Oxford.[1]
Geoffrey
of Crowcombe and King John in Ireland
Yet long before we find
information about Geoffrey of Crowcombe in England or France, his name appears
in connection with Ireland. On 26th July 1210 a royal prest was made
to Geoffrey of Crowcombe for 4 marks. This was made at Carrickfergus after its
capture by King John.[2] The
money from Geoffrey and many others was to fund King John in Ireland with a
large army. The king was there because the three principle lords of Ireland,
William Marshal (lord of Leinster); Walter de Lay (lord of Meath); and Hugh de
Lacy (Earl of Ulster) were sheltering William de Braose (lord of Limerick). De
Braose had entered a quarrel with King John over English affairs and had fled
to Ireland. The justiciar, John de Grey, was ordered to arrest de Braose but,
although de Grey was an experienced administrator and a person of remarkable
ability, he was no match for the three lords.
Following the treaty
with Scotland in 1209 King John was free to safely go to Ireland in 1210. He
overran the lands of the three lords and besieged Hugh de Lacy and the de
Braose family in Carrickfergus. After the castle fell the de Lacy brothers had
fled overseas while William de Braose was in Wales since early summer.[3]
It seemed that all of
the king’s campaigning across Ireland had missed its principal target. While at
Carrickfergus King John was told that Duncan of Carrick had captured the wife
and most of the family of William de Braose. Men-at-arms, archers and two
wagons were immediately despatched to convey the prisoners to Carrickfergus.
The two leaders of this force were John de Courcy and Geoffrey of Crowcombe.
This is the first notice we have that Geoffrey was in Ireland at that time.
John Gilbert does not tell us the source for Geoffrey of Crowcombe in Ireland but
the story told by a Flemish chronicler would seem to be the source. The wife
and son of de Braose were later left die of starvation at Windsor.[4]
Carrickfergus Castle from Panoramia.com
Many years later, in
October 1229, a number of people received pardons for money extracted from them
to fund royal activities during the reign of King John in Ireland. Geoffrey of
Crowcombe was pardoned for £11 16 shillings 8 pence which included a contribution to the
Scottish war of the same period.[5]
After nearly twenty years living with unpaid monies due to the government
Geoffrey of Crowcombe must have been delighted with the news.
Geoffrey
of Crowcombe comes to Ireland again
For the next decade from
1210 we hear no more of Geoffrey of Crowcombe and Ireland until October 1221.
In that month Geoffrey de Marisco surrendered to Henry III all the king’s lands
in Ireland and the office of justiciar. De Marisco was suspended as justiciar
because he failed to resume royal lands sold by him or account for the royal
revenues he received.[6]
Because royal castles
could not be surrendered by messengers or letters, de Marisco sent over Roger
Huscarl and David Basset. The king accepted the surrender of the castles and
sent a directive to de Marisco to deliver the said castles to Henry, Archbishop
of Dublin (the new justiciar) through the hands of Geoffrey of Crowcombe and
Ralph of Norwich. To affect the transfer of the castles Geoffrey of Crowcombe
and Ralph of Norwich were sent to Ireland and given 30 marks from the king’s
treasury to cover their expenses.[7]
The
rebellion of Hugh de Lacy
The de Lacy family had
been flexing their military muscle in the early 1220s. in 1220 Walter de Lacy
invaded the O’Reilly lands of Breifne – Cavan and Leitrim. In 1224 Walter’s
brother, William de Lacy, attacked Breifne and lands of Cathal O’Connor, King
of Connacht. Meanwhile negotiations for the restoration of the third brother,
Hugh de Lacy, to the earldom of Ulster came to nothing. By October 1223 Hugh de
Lacy had invaded Ireland with the intention to recover Ulster by force. But
instead of Ulster, Hugh de Lacy went to Meath and attacked the king’s lands
there. In June 1224 William Marshal the younger arrive in Ireland as justiciar
to restore order. The Marshal invaded Meath where Aedh, son of Cathal O’Connor
and now King of Connacht had attacked a number of de Lacy castles. Meath was
recovered for the king but the de Lacy brothers were still active in Ulster
with O’Neill support. In late summer the two armies met near Dundalk where Hugh
de Lacy surrendered to the Marshal.[8]
In May 1225 Walter de
Lacy made a fine with the king for the restoration of his lands and tenants in
Ireland following the rebellion of Hugh de Lacy. To recover his lands Walter
paid 300 marks and to recover various castles he pledged a fine of 3,000 marks.
As security Walter de Lacy pledged sureties on his English lands of 2,000 marks
and 1,000 marks on his Irish lands. One of those who pledged surety for
Walter’s debt was Geoffrey of Crowcombe who committed 20 marks if Walter
defaulted on his debt to the king.[9]
A year later, in May
1226, Walter de Lacy made a charter with the king for the recovery of a number
of castles that were seized and held by the crown following the rebellion of
Hugh de Lacy. Walter de Lacy was to hold the castles for three years and then
restore them to the king. If within the three years Hugh de Lacy received a
pardon then Hugh de Lacy could keep the castles. Among the witnesses to this
charter was Geoffrey of Crowcombe.[10]
The
kingdom of Connacht
In June 1226 Geoffrey
of Crowcombe was among the king’s court at Windsor to witness another Irish
document. The witnesses were a mixture of English and Irish lords. The document
was a letter to Geoffrey de Marisco, justiciar of Ireland, to summon Aedh, son
of Cathal, late King of Connacht, to surrender his lands to the king because of
the forfeiture of Aedh and his father. They had previously been allowed to hold
their lands on condition of being faithful to Henry III.[11]
This was a sorry end
for Aedh O’Connor who had succeeded his father as King of Connacht in May 1224.
One of his first acts as king was to invade Meath and attack the de Lacy lands.
He then supported the Marshal in the suppression of the de Lacy rebellion. But
events in Connacht were far from tranquillity. The sons of Rory O’Connor, the
last High King, rebelled against Aedh O’Connor in 1225 and were supported by
many of the Irish in Connacht. Aedh O’Connor got help from Geoffrey de Marisco,
acting deputy justiciar for the Marshal, and from the Normans in Munster. After
much military action and common plundering, the sons of Rory O’Connor were
driven out. But the restoration of Aedh as king was brief.
In June 1226 Geoffrey
de Marisco was made justiciar of Ireland and with the prompting of Richard de
Burgo and his uncle, Hubert de Burgh, justiciar of England, a complete reversal
of policy was made. Recognising that Aedh didn’t have the support of his people
the de Burgh’s revived a charter given in 1215 to Richard’s father, William de
Burgo for all the land of Connacht.[12]
On about 21st
May 1227 Geoffrey of Crowcombe was at Westminster where he witnessed, along
with ten other members of the king’s court, the grant to Richard de Burgo of
all the land of Connacht exempt the five cantreds reserved for King Henry. This
was a follow on to the surrender by Aedh O’Connor of his kingdom in June 1226.[13]
Over the next few years Richard de Burgo and the Normans worked with the sons
of Rory O’Connor to control Connacht.
Irish
manors and lands
On 2nd May
1227, Geoffrey of Crowcombe was at Mortlake to witness the grant and
confirmation of lands in England to Henry de Aldithel. By the same charter
Henry de Aldithel received lands within the Earldom of Ulster around the vill
of Dunlerr and including some previously held by his brother, Adam de Aldithel.
The office of constable of Ulster was also given to Henry de Aldithel.[14]
A few days later, on 6th
May 1227, Geoffrey of Crowcombe was at the king’s court at Westminster. While
there he was witness of a grant to Ralph de Trubbleville of the manor of
Ballymacdon which Robert Rufus had previously leased from King John. On this
occasion and at Mortlake Geoffrey of Crowcombe was referred to as a seneschal
but of where is unknown to this author.[15] A
letter relating to English affairs witnessed by Geoffrey of Crowcombe in
October 1232 again described Geoffrey as a seneschal.[16]
Many years after 1227 the affairs of Ballymacdon would again come to Geoffrey’s
appraisal. On 20th December 1234 Geoffrey of Crowcombe was with the
king’s court at Windsor for the grant and confirmation of the gift of
Ballymacdon from Henry de Trubbleville to his nephew William de Lunda.[17]
Henry de Trubbleville served for a number of terms as seneschal of Gascony.[18]
Grants
and liberties of the Archbishopric of Dublin
On 8th
November 1229 Geoffrey of Crowcombe was at the king’s court at Westminster.
While there he witnessed a grant of dis-afforestation to the church of Dublin
and the Archbishop of Dublin for various woods in Dublin and Wicklow. The grant
was not only of benefit to the Archbishop of Dublin but everyone dwelling
within the large prescribed area could enclose and dispose of woods. Luke, the
Archbishop elect, gave the king 300 marks for the charter of dis-afforestation.
This grant was inspected by three Irish bishops and one justice in eyre in July
1262 such was its importance and wide ranging impact.[19]
This was a long sought
victory for the Archbishopric of Dublin. Many years before, in 1220, when
Archbishop Henry de Londres was justiciar of Ireland, he had tried to encroach
upon the royal and other forests in the greater Dublin area for the benefit of
the Archdiocese. His efforts were resisted by Thomas Fitz Adam, Keeper of the
Royal Forests in Ireland. The Archbishop had Thomas imprisoned and
excommunicated on the pretext of killing a deer in the Archbishop’s forest.
Thomas Fitz Adam complained of the encroachment and his imprisonment to the
king. In August 1220 the king agreed to joint management of the king’s forests
with the Archbishop.[20] The
charter of 1229 gave final victory to the Archbishop.
On 1st
January 1230 Geoffrey of Crowcombe was with the king’s court at Doncaster. There
he was witness along with at least eight other courtiers to a grant of four
carucates of land in Ireland to Amory de St. Amand.[21]
By 13th April 1230 the king’s court had moved on to Reading. As part
of their business that day, the court examined a number of charters made by
King John to John, Archbishop of Dublin while the former was Earl of Morton.
These charters granted various ecclesiastical and lay possessions to the
archdiocese along with many liberties. The union of Glendalough with Dublin was
one of the charters examined and confirmed by the king’s court. Geoffrey of
Crowcombe gave his name as witness to the examination and confirmation of the
charters.[22]
Compensation
to Irish bishops for royal building works
On the following day,
14th April 1230, the king’s court had moved on to Winchester and
Geoffrey of Crowcombe went with them. There they witnessed a grant of
frankalmoign to Luke, Archbishop of Dublin, of the prebend of Stachmuchan near
Tallagh. This prebend had been given by King John to Henry, the former
Archbishop, as compensation for the damage done to the church of Dublin during
the construction of Dublin castle.[23] Later
this prebend was taken into the king’s hand. It was restored to the Archbishop
of Dublin at Marlborough on 26th September 1234 in a grant witnessed
by many people connected with Ireland and England including Geoffrey of
Crowcombe.[24]
One of the medieval towers of Dublin Castle which impacted on the church's property rights
The king’s court
continued their circuit of England and was at Portsmouth by 19th
April. There they stayed until the end of April. About thirty documents
relating to Ireland were produced during that time. It is likely that Geoffrey
of Crowcombe was a witness to some or all of these documents but only one
document has an extensive witness list. This document (dated 28th
April) was an inspection and confirmation of a grant in fee farm of land (worth
10 carucates) at Omayl, near Limerick, to the Bishop of Limerick by King John
as compensation for the building of the king’s mills and fisheries at Limerick.[25]
Fairs,
markets and tithes
After Portsmouth the
court moved back to Westminster for a few days. Their stay in the capital was
not long and by 11th May 1230 they were on the move again. On that
latter day Geoffrey of Crowcombe was with hem at Becherelle to witness a grant
of an eight day fair at Dundalk to Nicholas de Verdun. By the same grant
Nicholas de Verdun got a weekly Thursday market at Clonmore and a free warren
on his demesne lands in Ferrard.[26]
Throughout much of
Europe the thirteenth century was a period of tremendous growth of population
and economic expansion. Improvements in farming practices led to surplus
produce for sale and the establishment of fairs and markets helped to
facilitate that sale. Across England and the English controlled parts of
Ireland charters were given to establish a legal framework for these markets
and control the commercial routes. Many of the once a year fairs were held
around a local religious festival so that the buying public could get days off
work to go to the fair and spend their hard earned money. The establishment of
a fair by a royal charter often formalised a pre-existing unlicensed fair that
had grown to a reasonable size.[27]
It is not known if
Geoffrey of Crowcombe stayed with the king’s court over the succeeding fourteen
months as few of the documents from the time have witness lists. Thus it is 21st
August 1231 before we next encounter Geoffrey at the king’s court. On the
latter day Geoffrey of Crowcombe witnessed a confirmation to the friars of St.
Mary of Mount Crosswell of a previous grant made to them by Walter de Lacy.
This grant included the ninth sheaf of wheat, oats, rye, barley, peas, beans
and other kinds of corn produced on de Lacy’s manors in Ireland. The friars
were also to have the tithes of the mill at Kells along with a burgage with the
ninth sheaf in every burgh and a messuage in every manor held by de Lacy in
Ireland.[28]
After this grant
another year passes in which documents relating to Ireland have few witness
lists. When we next meet Geoffrey of Crowcombe he was at Winchcomb on 10th
June 1232 with the king’s court. There he witnessed a grant of a yearly fair
(lasting 8 days) to Hugh Tyrel at his manor of Newtown in Fertelagh.[29]
Hubert
de Burgh as justiciar of Ireland
By 15th June
1232 the king’s court was at the royal manor of Woodstock. Two years later
Geoffrey of Crowcombe would be given custody of this manor as noted above. In
June 1232 Geoffrey was witness to the grant of the justiciary of Ireland to
Hubert de Burgh, Earl of Kent and at that time justiciar of England. Hubert de Burgh ran the English government during the minority of Henry III which government also controlled lands in Wales, Ireland and France. As part of
the grant Hubert de Burgh could appoint a deputy for Ireland in case of absence
or illness. On 16th June Hubert de Burgh was granted the justiciary
of Ireland for life. Later in the month (27th June) the king’s court
at St. Edmondsbury made a grant to Hubert de Burgh that he did not have to
render an account for his time as justiciar in England or Ireland from the date
he was appointed justiciar of Ireland.[30]
Hubert de Burgh’s
nephew, Richard de Burgo was also honoured with favour. On 21st June
1232 the king’s court were at Lambeth near London. There they witnessed the
grant and confirmation of a sale made by Richard, Earl of Cornwall (and the
king’s brother), to Richard de Burgo. The sale was the custody of the lands and
heirs of Theobald Walter, former butler of Ireland.[31]
But the old Poitevin
enemies of Hubert de Burgh were not too far from the King’s ear and sought
their revenge. Back in 1219 when Geoffrey Neville finally fulfilled his long
threats of resignation as seneschal of Poitou, local leaders there, like Peter
des Roches, wanted a native person to be seneschal. But Hubert de Burgh
appointed an English lord. Hubert de Burgh long held that England should set
her own policy and not be a satellite to a continental system. Excluding
aliens, even those from English lands in France, was a first condition to good
government.
For much of the 1220s
Hubert de Burgh governed England by the English for the English. Yet the
English of France had not given up their sense of importance. Peter des Roches
and Peter of Rivall slowly gained influence and more particularly the ear of
Henry III. The king’s loyalty to his servants was forever liable to change
suddenly and fast regardless of the loyalty shown by those servants to the king.
The return of Peter des Roches to the see of Winchester in 1231 signalled a
strong rival at court.[32]
Just as Hubert de Burgh
was achieving greater control, the Poitevins told King Henry bad stories about
his ever powerful justiciar. Without little cross examination Henry believed
all he was told and removed Hubert de Burgh and his party (including Richard de
Burgo) from all offices. Following the removal of Hubert de Burgh as justiciar
of England and Ireland, Geoffrey of Crowcombe stayed with the new
administration of Poitevin natives. Thus he witnessed two Irish deeds in May
1233 with the French members of the government like Peter, Bishop of Winchester
and Peter de Rivall, captain of Poitou. The first deed was a grant for life of
the chancery of Ireland to Ralph, Bishop of Chichester and chancellor of
England. The second deed was a grant to Ralph Fitz Nicholas of the custody of
the lands and heirs of William Pipard in England and Ireland.[33]
Urban
liberties
On the same day of 16th
June 1232 Geoffrey of Crowcombe witnessed a grant of various liberties and
franchises to the city of Waterford. Some of these liberties included that no
one within the walls shall take lodging by assize or livery of the marshals
against the will of the citizens; no strange merchant shall remain within the
city to sell his merchandise but for 40 days unless by the will of the
citizens; the citizens shall be quit of toll, lestage, passage, pontage and all
other customs throughout the realm and the citizens could make improvements to
buildings along the quay and have all vacant spaces within the city to build
on.[34]
The
King of Man and Ireland
On 10th July
1235 Geoffrey of Crowcombe was with the king’s court at Westminster along with
others including Gilbert Marshall, Earl of Pembroke, Ralph Fitz Nicholas and
Amory de St. Amand who held lands in Ireland. While there they witnessed a grant
of 40 marks, 100 crannocks of wheat and 5 hosheads of wine to Olaf, King of Man
and receivable yearly at Easter in Ireland. This was a reward to King Olaf from
King Henry for guarding the west coast of England and patrolling the Irish Sea.
Yet the grant was not a total reward. King Olaf had to supply 50 galleys to the
English king when called upon.[35]
The Irish crannock was
equivalent to the English quarter. The value of the crannock differed from crop
to crop. A crannock of wheat was worth eight bushels while a crannock of oats
was sixteen bushels.[36]
The
last Irish deed of Geoffrey of Crowcombe
The last Irish deed
witnessed by Geoffrey of Crowcombe was in April 1236 when Gilbert Marshall,
Earl of Pembroke, promised not to harbour at least nine named individuals
following the death of Henry Clement, clerk and messenger of the justiciary of
Ireland. Gilbert Marshal also promised not to have his men go about armed in
the king’s land to do evil against the king.[37]
It would seem that
Geoffrey of Crowcombe died sometime after April 1236 and before September 1239.
In the latter month the estate of his wife, Alice of Crowcombe (nee Cormeilles)
passed to her nephew and nieces without any reference to Geoffrey which would
suggest that he was decease by that time. Yet as we have seen Geoffrey of
Crowcombe was often referred to as a witness to the history of Ireland between
1210 and 1236, a country he visited at least two occasions.
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[1]
Paul Dryburgh & Beth Hartland (eds.), Calendar
of the Fine Rolls of the Reign of Henry III (3 vols. Boydell Press &
National Archives, 2007), Vol. 1 (1216-1224), No. 5/123; Paul Dryburgh &
Beth Hartland (eds.), Calendar of the
Fine Rolls of the Reign of Henry III (3 vols. Boydell Press & National
Archives, 2008), Vol. II (1224-1234), Nos. 9/207, 14/88-89, 260, 16/307, 18/167
[2]
H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of
Documents relating to Ireland (Kraus reprint, 1974), Vol. 1 (1171-1252),
no. 406
[3]
A.J. Otway-Ruthven, A history of medieval
Ireland (Ernest Benn, London, 1980), pp. 79-80
[4] John
T. Gilbert, History of the Viceroys of
Ireland (James Duffy, Dublin, 1865), pp. 73, 76, 505-506; Goddard Henry
Orpen, Ireland under the Normans
(Four Courts Press, Dublin, 2005), vol. 2, p. 256
[5]
H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of
Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1252), no. 1747
[6]
John T. Gilbert, History of the Viceroys
of Ireland, p. 85
[7]
H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of
Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1252), nos. 1015, 1016
[8]
A.J. Otway-Ruthven, A history of medieval
Ireland, pp. 89-92
[9]
H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of
Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1252), no. 1289
[10]
H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of
Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1252), no. 1372
[11]
H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of
Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1252), no. 1402
[12]
A.J. Otway-Ruthven, A history of medieval
Ireland (Ernest Benn, London, 1980), pp. 91-93
[13]
H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of
Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1252), no. 1518
[14]
H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of
Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1252), no. 1505
[15]
H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of
Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1252), no. 1508
[16]
Rev. Walter W. Shirley (ed.), Royal and
other historical letters illustrative of the Reign of Henry III (2 vols.
Longman Green, London, 1862), vol. 1, no. cccxxxv, p. 409
[17]
H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of
Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1252), no. 2233
[18]
Rev. Walter W. Shirley (ed.), Royal and
other historical letters of the Reign of Henry III, vol. 2, pp. 399-400
[years served include Oct. 1227 to July 1231, May 1234 to Sept. 1237 & Nov.
1238 to Sept. 1241]
[19]
H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of
Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1252), nos. 1757, 1760; Charles
McNeill (ed.), Calendar of Archbishop
Alen’s Register, c.1172-1534 (Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland,
1950), pp. 62, 96
[20]
John T. Gilbert, History of the Viceroys
of Ireland, pp. 85-6; Rev. Walter W. Shirley (ed.), Royal and other historical letters of the Reign of Henry III, vol.
1, pp. 82-87; H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar
of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1252), no. 951
[21]
H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents
relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1252), no. 1772
[22]
H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of
Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1252), nos. 1787, 1788, 1789;
Charles McNeill (ed.), Calendar of
Archbishop Alen’s Register, c.1172-1534, pp. 64, 211
[23]
H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of
Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1252), no. 1790; Charles
McNeill (ed.), Calendar of Archbishop
Alen’s Register, c.1172-1534, p. 64
[24]
H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of
Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1252), no. 2177; Charles
McNeill (ed.), Calendar of Archbishop
Alen’s Register, c.1172-1534, p. 66
[25]
H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of
Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1252), nos. 1795-1824, 1812
[26]
H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of
Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1252), no. 1829
[27]
Karina Holton, ‘From charters to carters: aspects of fairs and markets in
medieval Ireland’, in Irish Fairs and
Markets: Studies in Local History, edited by Denis A. Cronin, Jim Gilligan
& Karina Holton (Four Courts Press, Dublin, 2001), pp. 18, 20, 25
[28]
H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of
Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1252), no. 1909
[29]
H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of
Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1252), no. 1951
[30]
H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of
Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1252), nos. 1955, 1957, 1963
[31]
H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of
Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1252), no. 1962
[32]
Rev. Walter W. Shirley (ed.), Royal and
other historical letters of the Reign of Henry III, vol. 1, pp. xxiv, xxv,
xxviii, xxxii
[33]
H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of
Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1252), nos. 2033, 2034
[34]
H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of
Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1252), no. 1958
[35]
H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of
Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1252), no. 2269
[36]
Kevin Down, ‘Colonial society and economy’, in A new history of Ireland, vol. 2, medieval Ireland, 1169-1534,
edited by Art Cosgrove (Oxford University Press, 2008), p. 459, note 4
[37]
H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of
Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1252), no. 2321
