Road through the Jewish cemetery in Oxford

Road through the Jewish cemetery in Oxford

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

Before 1180 it seems that the Jews of Oxford had no burial ground in or near the city. Instead the dead were taken to London for burial. In the saintly works of St. Frideswide it is recorded that a Jew used offensive words against the saint. In 1180 this Jew died and was taken to London for burial but the cart broke down and the corpse fell out.[1] 

It is not recorded when after 1180 that the Jewish community acquired a garden outside the East Gate of Oxford for a cemetery.[2] The site was formerly a water meadow by the Cherwell River.[3] The 1180s and 1190s were not good times for Jews living in England. In March 1190 some 150 Jews living in York sought protection in the royal castle from a blood thirsty mob. Instead of renouncing their faith, the Jews decided to kill each other and go to a more peaceful place. Many more Jews were killed in the streets of York and some Jews, who did surrender in the castle on peace terms, were later killed by the mob. The York massacre was part of a series of attacks upon the Jews of England since the coronation of King Richard in September 1189. There were a number of reasons for the attacks on the Jews. The country was going on crusade and the Jews were seen as an enemy within. The king was also pressurising the Jews for money and in turn the Jews wanted their debtors to pay up. In this regard many of the records in York Minster of debts to the Jews were destroyed after the massacre.[4]

The proclamation of peace and protection, issued by King Richard for the Jews, was ignored in many parts of the country and life for the Jews continued to be in peril. By the mid-1190s the crown had implemented special protection for the Jewish community and their number began to recover.[5] But crown protection didn’t protect the Jewish community from the crown itself. During the reign of King John the Jews of Bristol were seized and Isaac of Canterbury was hanged. Isaac’s sons had to wait until 1223 for restoration of Isaac’s property in Canterbury.[6]

The Jewish community in Oxford were not all local people. Outsiders like Copin the Jew of Worcester had property in Oxford over a number of years from 1210 to 1227 and Moses the Jew of Bristol held property around 1210 in Oxford.[7]

Meanwhile the Jewish cemetery outside the East Gate continued to be used by the community until at least the 1220s. On 5^th May 1231, King Henry III granted the garden, alias cemetery, outside the East Gate to the master and brethren of the Hospital of St. John to erect their new hospital. This garden was described as formerly owned by the Jews community as their burial plot. The grant of the cemetery site reserved the Hospital to find a suitable plot outside the garden for the burial of dead Jews. It seems that King Henry gave the cemetery as a gift to the Hospital of St. John as the grant used the word concessit (gave up) in the wording.[8]

When the King granted the King’s mill to the Hospital in July 1231 the Jewish garden was to be used for rebuilding the Hospital and a new burial ground for the Jews was to be near the garden.[9] The Hospital of St. John was previously located beside the church of St. Peter and it would appear that its early sources of funding dried up and the grant of 1231 was part of a re-foundation of the Hospital. It is not clear how King Henry came to acquire the Jewish cemetery. There was some anti-Jewish feeling in the country at the time. in July 1234 the people of Newcastle upon Tyne paid the king 100marks to have licence to allow no Jew to live within the town or set up residence.[10] The king may have got the cemetery in return for cancelling Jewish debts owed by the crown.

The site of the Jewish cemetery in Oxford - now a garden 

(photographer unknown) 

The new site for the Hospital was on the north side of the road while the Jews retained an area measuring 300 feet by about 80 or 90 feet on the south side.[11] The road mentioned was from East Gate to East Bridge and passed through what was formerly the garden of the Jewish burial ground. This road through the Jewish cemetery was not made to single out the Jews. Other cemeteries in Oxford also had roads running through the middle of them such as the cemeteries of St. Peter in the East and St. Mildred’s.[12] Medieval cemeteries didn’t enjoy the same reservation of space as in modern times. John de Farendone had grazing rights of grass and pasture in the cemetery belonging to the Hospital on the north of the road.[13] Elsewhere, in 1259 William de Dene kept his winter wheat within the cemetery of Dean (in the Forest of Dean, Gloucestershire) in the custody of his executors.^[14]

In 1279 the cemetery on the south side of the road was still used by the Jewish community but not for too long more. After the attacks on the Jews in the reign of King Richard, a separate royal court of justice was established to regulate Jewish loans while continuing to allow access to the ordinary courts.[15] In April 1286 letters patent were issued to allow the Chancellor of Oxford University to try cases between Jews and Oxford clerks.[16] The move away from exclusive royal protection was a sign of things to come. On 18^th July 1290 King Edward issued the Edict of Expulsion of all Jews from England. The Edict forced the Jews of England to leave the country while the crown, then deeply in debt, seized their property to pay debts and fund wars in Scotland and France.[17] There was also a local rejection of the Jewish community around that time. In June 1290 Henne, wife of James of Oxford, a Jew, was accused of forging the seal of Oseney abbey in favour of Jewish property.[18]

Meanwhile in 1245 the Pope, on the request of the King, commanded the Bishop of Lincoln to provide a cemetery for the Hospital. Previously brethren and patients were buried in the churchyard of St. Peter in the East. The church of St. Peter was to be compensated for loss of burial income fees. In the 1290s the Hospital acquired the Jewish cemetery on the south side of the road, opposite the Hospital for the use of the Hospital as their own burial ground.[19] The Jewish cemetery had also became the property of the crown after the Edict of Expulsion. It is not clear if the Hospital had to pay the crown for the cemetery or if they got it as a gift, like they did in 1231 for the old Jewish cemetery north of the road. Thus the Hospital eventually occupied the entire Jewish cemetery in Oxford with the public road running through it.

Elsewhere in Oxford, William Burnel acquired a number of former Jewish properties from the crown including the Synagogue. In 1304 Burnel willed the Synagogue to Balliol College with other property including former Jewish property like the tenement belonging to Argalicia, the Jewess. In 1314 Balliol acquired full title to the Synagogue.[20]

It was only in the 1650s, during the Commonwealth under Oliver Cromwell, that Jews were allowed to resettle in England. By that time the Jewish cemetery in Oxford was long gone and the abode of the dead was built over by houses for the living. The site of the Jewish cemetery is today (2018) occupied by Magdalene College and the Botanic Gardens and a small tablet marks the former cemetery.[21]

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[1] Salter, Rev. H.E. (ed.), A cartulary of the Hospital of St. John the Baptist (Oxford Historical Society, 1917), Vol. III, p. xv

[2] Salter (ed.), A cartulary of the Hospital of St. John the Baptist, Vol. III, p. xv; https://www.oxfordjewishheritage.co.uk/projects/botanic-gardens-first-jewish-cemetery [accessed on 24 December 2018]. Some sources say that it was after 1177 that the Jews acquired a cemetery.

[3] https://www.oxfordjewishheritage.co.uk/projects/botanic-gardens-first-jewish-cemetery [accessed on 24 December 2018]

[4] Watt, J.A., ‘The Crusades and the Persecution of the Jews’, in Linehan, P. & Nelson, J.L. (eds.), The Medieval World (London, 2004), pp. 146-162, at pp. 155, 156, 157

[5] Watt, J.A., ‘The Crusades and the Persecution of the Jews’, pp. 146-162, at pp. 158, 160

[6] Dryburgh, P., & Hartland, B. (eds.), Calendar of the fine rolls of the reign of Henry III, Volume 1, 1 to 8 Henry III, 1216-1224 (Woodbridge, 2007), no. 7/183

[7] Wigram, Rev. S.R. (ed.), The Cartulary of the Monastery of St. Frideswide at Oxford (2 vols. Oxford Historical Society, 1895 & 1896), Vol. 1, pp. 197, 208, 209

[8] Salter (ed.), A cartulary of the Hospital of St. John the Baptist, Vol. III, p. xiv

[9] Salter (ed.), A cartulary of the Hospital of St. John the Baptist, Vol. III, p. xiv

[10] Dryburgh, P., & Hartland, B. (eds.), Calendar of the fine rolls of the reign of Henry III, Volume II, 9 to 18 Henry III, 1224-1234 (Woodbridge, 2008), no. 18/245

[11] Salter (ed.), A cartulary of the Hospital of St. John the Baptist, Vol. III, p. xv

[12] Salter (ed.), A cartulary of the Hospital of St. John the Baptist, Vol. III, p. xlvii

[13] Salter, Rev. H.E. (ed.), A cartulary of the Hospital of St. John the Baptist (Oxford Historical Society, 1914), Vol. 1, pp. 38, 39

[14] Madge, S.J. (ed.), Abstracts of Inquisitions Post Mortem for Gloucestershire, part IV, 1236-1300 (British Record Society, 1903), p. 24

[15] Watt, J.A., ‘The Crusades and the Persecution of the Jews’, pp. 146-162, at p. 160

[16] Salter, Rev. H.E. (ed.), Mediaeval archives of the University of Oxford (Oxford Historical Society, 1920), Vol. 1, p. 40

[17] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Edict_of_Expulsion [accessed on 24th December 2018]

[18] Salter, Rev. H.E. (ed.), Cartulary of Oseney Abbey (Oxford Historical Society, 1931), Vol. III, p. 89

[19] Salter (ed.), A cartulary of the Hospital of St. John the Baptist, Vol. III, pp. xxii, xxiii

[20] Salter, Rev. H.E. (ed.), The Oxford deeds of Balliol College (Oxford Historical Society, 1913), pp. 91, 92, 93

[21] https://www.oxfordjewishheritage.co.uk/projects/botanic-gardens-first-jewish-cemetery [accessed on 24 December 2018]

Geoffrey of Crowcombe: a witness to early thirteenth century Ireland

Geoffrey of Crowcombe: a witness to early thirteenth century Ireland

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

In a previous article we met a person called Geoffrey of Crowcombe who was the husband of Alice de Cormeilles, daughter of Walter de Cormeilles and sister of Margaret de Cormeilles. Here is a link to that article [article link = Margaret de Cormeilles and a miscarriage of justice]. In this article we explore the relationship, if any, that Geoffrey de Cormeilles had with Ireland. Let us first recount some of the information relating to Geoffrey from the previous article

Geoffrey of Crowcombe was an active person in the early years of the reign of Henry III. In June 1220 Geoffrey of Crowcombe was in Poitou on the king’s service and the sheriff of Gloucestershire was order to give respite to Geoffrey of Crowcombe for a demand of money because Geoffrey was out of the country. In May 1225 Geoffrey of Crowcombe was sent to France as an ambassador for Henry III. In 1229-30 he was assessor and collector of the tallage in Norfolk and Suffolk. About April 1230 Geoffrey was made sheriff of Oxfordshire. From October 1232 to March 1234 Geoffrey of Crowcombe was issuing royal writs on behalf of the king. In June 1234 Geoffrey was given custody of the royal manor of Woodstock (now Blenheim Palace) while continuing to hold the royal castle at Oxford.[1]

Geoffrey of Crowcombe and King John in Ireland

Yet long before we find information about Geoffrey of Crowcombe in England or France, his name appears in connection with Ireland. On 26^th July 1210 a royal prest was made to Geoffrey of Crowcombe for 4 marks. This was made at Carrickfergus after its capture by King John.[2] The money from Geoffrey and many others was to fund King John in Ireland with a large army. The king was there because the three principle lords of Ireland, William Marshal (lord of Leinster); Walter de Lay (lord of Meath); and Hugh de Lacy (Earl of Ulster) were sheltering William de Braose (lord of Limerick). De Braose had entered a quarrel with King John over English affairs and had fled to Ireland. The justiciar, John de Grey, was ordered to arrest de Braose but, although de Grey was an experienced administrator and a person of remarkable ability, he was no match for the three lords.

Following the treaty with Scotland in 1209 King John was free to safely go to Ireland in 1210. He overran the lands of the three lords and besieged Hugh de Lacy and the de Braose family in Carrickfergus. After the castle fell the de Lacy brothers had fled overseas while William de Braose was in Wales since early summer.[3]

It seemed that all of the king’s campaigning across Ireland had missed its principal target. While at Carrickfergus King John was told that Duncan of Carrick had captured the wife and most of the family of William de Braose. Men-at-arms, archers and two wagons were immediately despatched to convey the prisoners to Carrickfergus. The two leaders of this force were John de Courcy and Geoffrey of Crowcombe. This is the first notice we have that Geoffrey was in Ireland at that time. John Gilbert does not tell us the source for Geoffrey of Crowcombe in Ireland but the story told by a Flemish chronicler would seem to be the source. The wife and son of de Braose were later left die of starvation at Windsor.[4]    

Carrickfergus Castle from Panoramia.com

Many years later, in October 1229, a number of people received pardons for money extracted from them to fund royal activities during the reign of King John in Ireland. Geoffrey of Crowcombe was pardoned for £11 16 shillings 8 pence which included a contribution to the Scottish war of the same period.[5] After nearly twenty years living with unpaid monies due to the government Geoffrey of Crowcombe must have been delighted with the news.

Geoffrey of Crowcombe comes to Ireland again

For the next decade from 1210 we hear no more of Geoffrey of Crowcombe and Ireland until October 1221. In that month Geoffrey de Marisco surrendered to Henry III all the king’s lands in Ireland and the office of justiciar. De Marisco was suspended as justiciar because he failed to resume royal lands sold by him or account for the royal revenues he received.[6]

Because royal castles could not be surrendered by messengers or letters, de Marisco sent over Roger Huscarl and David Basset. The king accepted the surrender of the castles and sent a directive to de Marisco to deliver the said castles to Henry, Archbishop of Dublin (the new justiciar) through the hands of Geoffrey of Crowcombe and Ralph of Norwich. To affect the transfer of the castles Geoffrey of Crowcombe and Ralph of Norwich were sent to Ireland and given 30 marks from the king’s treasury to cover their expenses.[7]

The rebellion of Hugh de Lacy

The de Lacy family had been flexing their military muscle in the early 1220s. in 1220 Walter de Lacy invaded the O’Reilly lands of Breifne – Cavan and Leitrim. In 1224 Walter’s brother, William de Lacy, attacked Breifne and lands of Cathal O’Connor, King of Connacht. Meanwhile negotiations for the restoration of the third brother, Hugh de Lacy, to the earldom of Ulster came to nothing. By October 1223 Hugh de Lacy had invaded Ireland with the intention to recover Ulster by force. But instead of Ulster, Hugh de Lacy went to Meath and attacked the king’s lands there. In June 1224 William Marshal the younger arrive in Ireland as justiciar to restore order. The Marshal invaded Meath where Aedh, son of Cathal O’Connor and now King of Connacht had attacked a number of de Lacy castles. Meath was recovered for the king but the de Lacy brothers were still active in Ulster with O’Neill support. In late summer the two armies met near Dundalk where Hugh de Lacy surrendered to the Marshal.[8] 

In May 1225 Walter de Lacy made a fine with the king for the restoration of his lands and tenants in Ireland following the rebellion of Hugh de Lacy. To recover his lands Walter paid 300 marks and to recover various castles he pledged a fine of 3,000 marks. As security Walter de Lacy pledged sureties on his English lands of 2,000 marks and 1,000 marks on his Irish lands. One of those who pledged surety for Walter’s debt was Geoffrey of Crowcombe who committed 20 marks if Walter defaulted on his debt to the king.[9]

A year later, in May 1226, Walter de Lacy made a charter with the king for the recovery of a number of castles that were seized and held by the crown following the rebellion of Hugh de Lacy. Walter de Lacy was to hold the castles for three years and then restore them to the king. If within the three years Hugh de Lacy received a pardon then Hugh de Lacy could keep the castles. Among the witnesses to this charter was Geoffrey of Crowcombe.[10]

The kingdom of Connacht  

In June 1226 Geoffrey of Crowcombe was among the king’s court at Windsor to witness another Irish document. The witnesses were a mixture of English and Irish lords. The document was a letter to Geoffrey de Marisco, justiciar of Ireland, to summon Aedh, son of Cathal, late King of Connacht, to surrender his lands to the king because of the forfeiture of Aedh and his father. They had previously been allowed to hold their lands on condition of being faithful to Henry III.[11]

This was a sorry end for Aedh O’Connor who had succeeded his father as King of Connacht in May 1224. One of his first acts as king was to invade Meath and attack the de Lacy lands. He then supported the Marshal in the suppression of the de Lacy rebellion. But events in Connacht were far from tranquillity. The sons of Rory O’Connor, the last High King, rebelled against Aedh O’Connor in 1225 and were supported by many of the Irish in Connacht. Aedh O’Connor got help from Geoffrey de Marisco, acting deputy justiciar for the Marshal, and from the Normans in Munster. After much military action and common plundering, the sons of Rory O’Connor were driven out. But the restoration of Aedh as king was brief.

In June 1226 Geoffrey de Marisco was made justiciar of Ireland and with the prompting of Richard de Burgo and his uncle, Hubert de Burgh, justiciar of England, a complete reversal of policy was made. Recognising that Aedh didn’t have the support of his people the de Burgh’s revived a charter given in 1215 to Richard’s father, William de Burgo for all the land of Connacht.[12]   

On about 21^st May 1227 Geoffrey of Crowcombe was at Westminster where he witnessed, along with ten other members of the king’s court, the grant to Richard de Burgo of all the land of Connacht exempt the five cantreds reserved for King Henry. This was a follow on to the surrender by Aedh O’Connor of his kingdom in June 1226.[13] Over the next few years Richard de Burgo and the Normans worked with the sons of Rory O’Connor to control Connacht.

Irish manors and lands

On 2^nd May 1227, Geoffrey of Crowcombe was at Mortlake to witness the grant and confirmation of lands in England to Henry de Aldithel. By the same charter Henry de Aldithel received lands within the Earldom of Ulster around the vill of Dunlerr and including some previously held by his brother, Adam de Aldithel. The office of constable of Ulster was also given to Henry de Aldithel.[14]

A few days later, on 6^th May 1227, Geoffrey of Crowcombe was at the king’s court at Westminster. While there he was witness of a grant to Ralph de Trubbleville of the manor of Ballymacdon which Robert Rufus had previously leased from King John. On this occasion and at Mortlake Geoffrey of Crowcombe was referred to as a seneschal but of where is unknown to this author.[15] A letter relating to English affairs witnessed by Geoffrey of Crowcombe in October 1232 again described Geoffrey as a seneschal.[16] Many years after 1227 the affairs of Ballymacdon would again come to Geoffrey’s appraisal. On 20^th December 1234 Geoffrey of Crowcombe was with the king’s court at Windsor for the grant and confirmation of the gift of Ballymacdon from Henry de Trubbleville to his nephew William de Lunda.[17] Henry de Trubbleville served for a number of terms as seneschal of Gascony.[18]

Grants and liberties of the Archbishopric of Dublin

On 8^th November 1229 Geoffrey of Crowcombe was at the king’s court at Westminster. While there he witnessed a grant of dis-afforestation to the church of Dublin and the Archbishop of Dublin for various woods in Dublin and Wicklow. The grant was not only of benefit to the Archbishop of Dublin but everyone dwelling within the large prescribed area could enclose and dispose of woods. Luke, the Archbishop elect, gave the king 300 marks for the charter of dis-afforestation. This grant was inspected by three Irish bishops and one justice in eyre in July 1262 such was its importance and wide ranging impact.[19]

This was a long sought victory for the Archbishopric of Dublin. Many years before, in 1220, when Archbishop Henry de Londres was justiciar of Ireland, he had tried to encroach upon the royal and other forests in the greater Dublin area for the benefit of the Archdiocese. His efforts were resisted by Thomas Fitz Adam, Keeper of the Royal Forests in Ireland. The Archbishop had Thomas imprisoned and excommunicated on the pretext of killing a deer in the Archbishop’s forest. Thomas Fitz Adam complained of the encroachment and his imprisonment to the king. In August 1220 the king agreed to joint management of the king’s forests with the Archbishop.[20] The charter of 1229 gave final victory to the Archbishop.

On 1^st January 1230 Geoffrey of Crowcombe was with the king’s court at Doncaster. There he was witness along with at least eight other courtiers to a grant of four carucates of land in Ireland to Amory de St. Amand.[21] By 13^th April 1230 the king’s court had moved on to Reading. As part of their business that day, the court examined a number of charters made by King John to John, Archbishop of Dublin while the former was Earl of Morton. These charters granted various ecclesiastical and lay possessions to the archdiocese along with many liberties. The union of Glendalough with Dublin was one of the charters examined and confirmed by the king’s court. Geoffrey of Crowcombe gave his name as witness to the examination and confirmation of the charters.[22]

Compensation to Irish bishops for royal building works

On the following day, 14^th April 1230, the king’s court had moved on to Winchester and Geoffrey of Crowcombe went with them. There they witnessed a grant of frankalmoign to Luke, Archbishop of Dublin, of the prebend of Stachmuchan near Tallagh. This prebend had been given by King John to Henry, the former Archbishop, as compensation for the damage done to the church of Dublin during the construction of Dublin castle.[23] Later this prebend was taken into the king’s hand. It was restored to the Archbishop of Dublin at Marlborough on 26^th September 1234 in a grant witnessed by many people connected with Ireland and England including Geoffrey of Crowcombe.[24]

One of the medieval towers of Dublin Castle which impacted on the church's property rights

The king’s court continued their circuit of England and was at Portsmouth by 19^th April. There they stayed until the end of April. About thirty documents relating to Ireland were produced during that time. It is likely that Geoffrey of Crowcombe was a witness to some or all of these documents but only one document has an extensive witness list. This document (dated 28^th April) was an inspection and confirmation of a grant in fee farm of land (worth 10 carucates) at Omayl, near Limerick, to the Bishop of Limerick by King John as compensation for the building of the king’s mills and fisheries at Limerick.[25]  

Fairs, markets and tithes

After Portsmouth the court moved back to Westminster for a few days. Their stay in the capital was not long and by 11^th May 1230 they were on the move again. On that latter day Geoffrey of Crowcombe was with hem at Becherelle to witness a grant of an eight day fair at Dundalk to Nicholas de Verdun. By the same grant Nicholas de Verdun got a weekly Thursday market at Clonmore and a free warren on his demesne lands in Ferrard.[26]

Throughout much of Europe the thirteenth century was a period of tremendous growth of population and economic expansion. Improvements in farming practices led to surplus produce for sale and the establishment of fairs and markets helped to facilitate that sale. Across England and the English controlled parts of Ireland charters were given to establish a legal framework for these markets and control the commercial routes. Many of the once a year fairs were held around a local religious festival so that the buying public could get days off work to go to the fair and spend their hard earned money. The establishment of a fair by a royal charter often formalised a pre-existing unlicensed fair that had grown to a reasonable size.[27]

It is not known if Geoffrey of Crowcombe stayed with the king’s court over the succeeding fourteen months as few of the documents from the time have witness lists. Thus it is 21^st August 1231 before we next encounter Geoffrey at the king’s court. On the latter day Geoffrey of Crowcombe witnessed a confirmation to the friars of St. Mary of Mount Crosswell of a previous grant made to them by Walter de Lacy. This grant included the ninth sheaf of wheat, oats, rye, barley, peas, beans and other kinds of corn produced on de Lacy’s manors in Ireland. The friars were also to have the tithes of the mill at Kells along with a burgage with the ninth sheaf in every burgh and a messuage in every manor held by de Lacy in Ireland.[28]

After this grant another year passes in which documents relating to Ireland have few witness lists. When we next meet Geoffrey of Crowcombe he was at Winchcomb on 10^th June 1232 with the king’s court. There he witnessed a grant of a yearly fair (lasting 8 days) to Hugh Tyrel at his manor of Newtown in Fertelagh.[29]

Hubert de Burgh as justiciar of Ireland

By 15^th June 1232 the king’s court was at the royal manor of Woodstock. Two years later Geoffrey of Crowcombe would be given custody of this manor as noted above. In June 1232 Geoffrey was witness to the grant of the justiciary of Ireland to Hubert de Burgh, Earl of Kent and at that time justiciar of England. Hubert de Burgh ran the English government during the minority of Henry III which government also controlled lands in Wales, Ireland and France. As part of the grant Hubert de Burgh could appoint a deputy for Ireland in case of absence or illness. On 16^th June Hubert de Burgh was granted the justiciary of Ireland for life. Later in the month (27^th June) the king’s court at St. Edmondsbury made a grant to Hubert de Burgh that he did not have to render an account for his time as justiciar in England or Ireland from the date he was appointed justiciar of Ireland.[30]

Hubert de Burgh’s nephew, Richard de Burgo was also honoured with favour. On 21^st June 1232 the king’s court were at Lambeth near London. There they witnessed the grant and confirmation of a sale made by Richard, Earl of Cornwall (and the king’s brother), to Richard de Burgo. The sale was the custody of the lands and heirs of Theobald Walter, former butler of Ireland.[31]

But the old Poitevin enemies of Hubert de Burgh were not too far from the King’s ear and sought their revenge. Back in 1219 when Geoffrey Neville finally fulfilled his long threats of resignation as seneschal of Poitou, local leaders there, like Peter des Roches, wanted a native person to be seneschal. But Hubert de Burgh appointed an English lord. Hubert de Burgh long held that England should set her own policy and not be a satellite to a continental system. Excluding aliens, even those from English lands in France, was a first condition to good government.

For much of the 1220s Hubert de Burgh governed England by the English for the English. Yet the English of France had not given up their sense of importance. Peter des Roches and Peter of Rivall slowly gained influence and more particularly the ear of Henry III. The king’s loyalty to his servants was forever liable to change suddenly and fast regardless of the loyalty shown by those servants to the king. The return of Peter des Roches to the see of Winchester in 1231 signalled a strong rival at court.[32]

Just as Hubert de Burgh was achieving greater control, the Poitevins told King Henry bad stories about his ever powerful justiciar. Without little cross examination Henry believed all he was told and removed Hubert de Burgh and his party (including Richard de Burgo) from all offices. Following the removal of Hubert de Burgh as justiciar of England and Ireland, Geoffrey of Crowcombe stayed with the new administration of Poitevin natives. Thus he witnessed two Irish deeds in May 1233 with the French members of the government like Peter, Bishop of Winchester and Peter de Rivall, captain of Poitou. The first deed was a grant for life of the chancery of Ireland to Ralph, Bishop of Chichester and chancellor of England. The second deed was a grant to Ralph Fitz Nicholas of the custody of the lands and heirs of William Pipard in England and Ireland.[33]

Urban liberties

On the same day of 16^th June 1232 Geoffrey of Crowcombe witnessed a grant of various liberties and franchises to the city of Waterford. Some of these liberties included that no one within the walls shall take lodging by assize or livery of the marshals against the will of the citizens; no strange merchant shall remain within the city to sell his merchandise but for 40 days unless by the will of the citizens; the citizens shall be quit of toll, lestage, passage, pontage and all other customs throughout the realm and the citizens could make improvements to buildings along the quay and have all vacant spaces within the city to build on.[34]

The King of Man and Ireland

On 10^th July 1235 Geoffrey of Crowcombe was with the king’s court at Westminster along with others including Gilbert Marshall, Earl of Pembroke, Ralph Fitz Nicholas and Amory de St. Amand who held lands in Ireland. While there they witnessed a grant of 40 marks, 100 crannocks of wheat and 5 hosheads of wine to Olaf, King of Man and receivable yearly at Easter in Ireland. This was a reward to King Olaf from King Henry for guarding the west coast of England and patrolling the Irish Sea. Yet the grant was not a total reward. King Olaf had to supply 50 galleys to the English king when called upon.[35]

The Irish crannock was equivalent to the English quarter. The value of the crannock differed from crop to crop. A crannock of wheat was worth eight bushels while a crannock of oats was sixteen bushels.[36]

The last Irish deed of Geoffrey of Crowcombe

The last Irish deed witnessed by Geoffrey of Crowcombe was in April 1236 when Gilbert Marshall, Earl of Pembroke, promised not to harbour at least nine named individuals following the death of Henry Clement, clerk and messenger of the justiciary of Ireland. Gilbert Marshal also promised not to have his men go about armed in the king’s land to do evil against the king.[37]

It would seem that Geoffrey of Crowcombe died sometime after April 1236 and before September 1239. In the latter month the estate of his wife, Alice of Crowcombe (nee Cormeilles) passed to her nephew and nieces without any reference to Geoffrey which would suggest that he was decease by that time. Yet as we have seen Geoffrey of Crowcombe was often referred to as a witness to the history of Ireland between 1210 and 1236, a country he visited at least two occasions.

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[1] Paul Dryburgh & Beth Hartland (eds.), Calendar of the Fine Rolls of the Reign of Henry III (3 vols. Boydell Press & National Archives, 2007), Vol. 1 (1216-1224), No. 5/123; Paul Dryburgh & Beth Hartland (eds.), Calendar of the Fine Rolls of the Reign of Henry III (3 vols. Boydell Press & National Archives, 2008), Vol. II (1224-1234), Nos. 9/207, 14/88-89, 260, 16/307, 18/167

[2] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland (Kraus reprint, 1974), Vol. 1 (1171-1252), no. 406

[3] A.J. Otway-Ruthven, A history of medieval Ireland (Ernest Benn, London, 1980), pp. 79-80

[4] John T. Gilbert, History of the Viceroys of Ireland (James Duffy, Dublin, 1865), pp. 73, 76, 505-506; Goddard Henry Orpen, Ireland under the Normans (Four Courts Press, Dublin, 2005), vol. 2, p. 256

[5] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1252), no. 1747

[6] John T. Gilbert, History of the Viceroys of Ireland, p. 85

[7] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1252), nos. 1015, 1016

[8] A.J. Otway-Ruthven, A history of medieval Ireland, pp. 89-92

[9] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1252), no. 1289

[10] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1252), no. 1372

[11] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1252), no. 1402

[12] A.J. Otway-Ruthven, A history of medieval Ireland (Ernest Benn, London, 1980), pp. 91-93

[13] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1252), no. 1518

[14] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1252), no. 1505

[15] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1252), no. 1508

[16] Rev. Walter W. Shirley (ed.), Royal and other historical letters illustrative of the Reign of Henry III (2 vols. Longman Green, London, 1862), vol. 1, no. cccxxxv, p. 409

[17] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1252), no. 2233

[18] Rev. Walter W. Shirley (ed.), Royal and other historical letters of the Reign of Henry III, vol. 2, pp. 399-400 [years served include Oct. 1227 to July 1231, May 1234 to Sept. 1237 & Nov. 1238 to Sept. 1241]

[19] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1252), nos. 1757, 1760; Charles McNeill (ed.), Calendar of Archbishop Alen’s Register, c.1172-1534 (Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, 1950), pp. 62, 96

[20] John T. Gilbert, History of the Viceroys of Ireland, pp. 85-6; Rev. Walter W. Shirley (ed.), Royal and other historical letters of the Reign of Henry III, vol. 1, pp. 82-87; H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1252), no. 951

[21] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1252), no. 1772

[22] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1252), nos. 1787, 1788, 1789; Charles McNeill (ed.), Calendar of Archbishop Alen’s Register, c.1172-1534, pp. 64, 211

[23] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1252), no. 1790; Charles McNeill (ed.), Calendar of Archbishop Alen’s Register, c.1172-1534, p. 64

[24] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1252), no. 2177; Charles McNeill (ed.), Calendar of Archbishop Alen’s Register, c.1172-1534, p. 66

[25] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1252), nos. 1795-1824, 1812

[26] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1252), no. 1829

[27] Karina Holton, ‘From charters to carters: aspects of fairs and markets in medieval Ireland’, in Irish Fairs and Markets: Studies in Local History, edited by Denis A. Cronin, Jim Gilligan & Karina Holton (Four Courts Press, Dublin, 2001), pp. 18, 20, 25

[28] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1252), no. 1909

[29] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1252), no. 1951

[30] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1252), nos. 1955, 1957, 1963

[31] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1252), no. 1962

[32] Rev. Walter W. Shirley (ed.), Royal and other historical letters of the Reign of Henry III, vol. 1, pp. xxiv, xxv, xxviii, xxxii

[33] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1252), nos. 2033, 2034

[34] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1252), no. 1958

[35] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1252), no. 2269

[36] Kevin Down, ‘Colonial society and economy’, in A new history of Ireland, vol. 2, medieval Ireland, 1169-1534, edited by Art Cosgrove (Oxford University Press, 2008), p. 459, note 4

[37] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1252), no. 2321