The Earls of Ormond and Maynooth Castle

The Earls of Ormond and Maynooth Castle

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

Introduction

Among the letters in the register of Archbishop John Mey of Armagh is an undated letter addressed to Sir James Butler, 5^th Earl of Ormond and 1^st Earl of Wiltshire, seeking over £100 in debts.[1] John Mey was Archbishop of Armagh from August 1443 to his death in 1456.[2]

In the letter Archbishop Mey expressed his surprise that after writing a few letters to the Earl of Ormond to request payment of over £100 spent in the Earl’s service that he was still waiting for the money.[3] In 1453 James Butler, 5^th Earl of Ormond, was made Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. James Butler was staying in England at the time and opted to remain there. In his absence from Ireland he appointed Archbishop Mey as Deputy Lieutenant of Ireland.[4]

Archbishop Mey told the Earl of Ormond that the conduct of the Earl in not settling his debts was bringing ill will to his friends and adherents including the Archbishop. The disturbed state of the country was adding to people’s concern.[5]

The undated letter to the Earl of Ormond, seeking the £100, was delivered by Robert Keppagh. In the days of the 4^th Earl of Ormond, Robert Keppagh was keeper of Maynooth castle.[6] This is the only known mention of Robert Keppagh. The 4^th Earl of Ormond held Maynooth castle from 1432 to his death in 1452 but in the absence of any other documentation it is difficult to say when in that time period was Robert Keppagh keeper of Maynooth castle. This article sets out to charter the history of how Maynooth came to be owned by the Earls of Ormond and how the Fitzgerald family, Earls of Kildare, fought for its recovery.

Maynooth castle 

The 5^th Earl of Kildare

Gerald Fitzmaurice Fitzgerald, 5^th Earl of Kildare, was the son and heir of Maurice Fitzthomas Fitzgerald, 4^th Earl of Kildare by his wife Elizabeth, daughter of Bartholomew de Burghersh, Lord Burghersh, by his wife Elizabeth, daughter and co-heir of Theobald de Verdun. In 1390 Gerald succeeded his father as Earl of Kildare.[7]

In July 1397 the manors of Maynooth, Rathmore, Geashill, Rathangan and Lea were entailed to Gerald Fitzmaurice Fitzgerald, 5^th Earl of Kildare, and his male heirs. The first male heir was the Earl’s brother, John Fitzmaurice followed by Richard Fitzgerald (illegitimate son of the Earl), Richard Fitzmaurice (the Earl’s brother), Gerald, bastard son of Thomas Fitzmaurice (the Earl’s brother) and then with reminder to Thomas Fitz William and Gerald Fitz William Fitzgerald (the Earl’s cousins).[8]

In November 1415 Gerald, the 5^th Earl of Kildare, was given a pardon for all manner of trespasses, treasons, and intrusions in the castle and manor of Kildare, and the manors of Maynooth and Rathmore.[9]

Butler marries Fitzgerald’s daughter

In the summer of 1432 the recently widowed 4^th Earl of Ormond, James Butler, married Elizabeth Fitzgerald, daughter and heiress of the 5^th Earl of Kildare. Ormond’s first wife Joan, daughter of William Beauchamp, Lord Abergavenny, died in August 1430 by which he had a son, James Butler, the later 5^th Earl of Ormond and 1^st Earl of Wiltshire. Elizabeth Fitzgerald was herself a widow on the death of her first husband, John Grey, Lord Grey of Cadnor. On 29^th April 1432 James Butler and Elizabeth Fitzgerald received papal dispensation to marry as they were doubly related and on 18^th July 1432 they received a royal licence to marry.[10] The inquisition post mortem for Gerald, 5^th Earl of Kildare, said that James Butler and Elizabeth Fitzgerald were married “long before the death of Gerald” but the above dispensation and licence suggests they were married only a few months before the Earl died.[11]

Kilkenny castle - chief home of the Butlers

Death of 5^th Earl Kildare and female succession

When the 5^th Earl of Kildare died on 13^th October 1432 without any lawful male heirs, the ever ambitious Earl of Ormond quickly moved that the entail of 1397 had no value and that Elizabeth was the sole heiress to the Kildare property.[12] Ormond moved on the manors of Kildare inheritance and claimed them as his in right of his new wife. The estate of Gerald Fitzgerald was detailed in an inquisition produced for the King’s officials in Dublin shortly after the Earl’s death.[13] The 6^th Earl of Kildare, John Fitzmaurice Fitzgerald, was the brother of the 5^th Earl and was an old man when he succeeded. The 6^th Earl found it difficult to challenge the Earl of Ormond and he was in poor health as he died in 1434.[14]

Before 10^th December 1432 the Earl of Ormond and Elizabeth Fitzgerald gave fealty for two thirds of the property of the late Earl of Kildare on payment of an entry fine of 100s. The other one third of the property passed as her dower lands to widow of the 5^th Earl of Kildare, Agnes Darcy (she survived until 1439).[15]

The Fitzgeralds challenge the Ormond succession

In 1434 Thomas Fitzmaurice Fitzgerald (the future 7^th Earl of Kildare) disputed the title of the Earl of Ormond to the manors of Maynooth and Rathmore. The dispute brought sufferings to the locals who petitioned the Dublin government for help and relief.[16] The true 7^th Earl of Kildare was John, son of John the 6^th Earl, but this John FitzJohn had physical disabilities and was known as John the cam or crooked. Thomas Fitzmaurice Fitzgerald was the son of John the cam.[17]

In 1440 Thomas Fitzmaurice Fitzgerald was living at Kildrought but he didn’t live the life of a country gentleman. Instead he assisted in lawlessness in the Dublin and Kildare area. In 1440 Thomas Fitzmaurice Fitzgerald was made an outlaw for aiding the O’Bryne nation who were then at war with the Dublin administration. He gave them food and participated in burning wheat and corn to pro-English settlers. Thomas Fitzmaurice Fitzgerald was summoned five times to answer the charges but failed to appear and so was declared an outlaw. In April 1440 the sheriff of Dublin was ordered to seize all the goods, chattels, lands and rents belonging to Thomas Fitzmaurice Fitzgerald. But most of Fitzgerald’s property was held by the Earl of Ormond and so the sheriff reported back that he found no goods or chattels within his bailiwick.[18] If Thomas Fitzmaurice Fitzgerald was causing trouble to get the Butler family out of the Kildare inheritance, he was totally unsuccessful.

Ormond management of Maynooth & Rathmore  

On 24^th March 1449 the 4^th Earl of Ormond appointed John Martyne of Ballygorme to be seneschal of Rathmore, Castlewarren and Oughterard at an annual wage of 13s 4d.[19] A rental for the manor of Rathmore, made in 1449 and 1450, survives among the papers in the National Archives at Kew. The manor appears to have been in good condition. About 4d per acre was the rent for meadow land and 3d per acre for arable land. Most of the manor was in meadow and pasture. The Fitz Eustace family and the prior of Kilmainham appear among those paying chief rents. Thomas Cotterell was the biggest tenant with 120 acres of the demesne land along with holding the watermill and dovecot. The Cotterell surname often appears among the Ormond deeds and he may well have moved into Rathmore to secure the interests of the Earl of Ormond.[20] By the time of the Kildare rental of 1518 there is not Cotterell on the Kildare estate which would suggest that Cotterell was an Ormond man.[21]

Ormond controls the Irish government

The difficulties in the Fitzgeralds recovery their ancient estates were compounded by the Ormond control of the Irish government. In July 1450 the Earl of Ormond was appointed Deputy Lieutenant of Ireland by the Duke of York who left for England. The Earl of Ormond summoned a great council for Drogheda and two immediate Parliaments. In 1452 the Earl of Ormond went to war against Irish rebels in Limerick, Laois, Offaly and Cavan.[22]

A hope of recovery – dashed

On 6^th August 1452 Elizabeth Fitzgerald, wife of the 4^th Earl of Ormond and daughter of the 5^th Earl of Kildare, died. She had no children by James Butler and for a brief time her husband held her lands by the curtesy of England.[23]

On 23^rd August 1452 the Earl of Ormond died and was succeeded by his son, James Butler, who in 1449 had been created Earl of Wiltshire.[24] Archbishop Mey was entrusted in the will of the 4^th Earl of Ormond with responsibility for the payment of the Earl’s debts.[25] Archbishop Mey was a long associate of the Butler family and would later come to represent the king in Ireland through appointment by the 5^th Earl of Ormond.

As James Butler and Elizabeth Fitzgerald had no children her estates at Maynooth and Rathmore should have returned to her nearest male relative of the House of Kildare, that is, John cam Fitzgerald, the unrecognised 7^th Earl of Kildare. But John Fitzgerald was unable due to his own limitations and the power of the Earls of Ormond to succeed to his inheritance.

Ormond again controls Irish government

The Fitzgeralds were further hindered in the recovery of their estates by the new Earl of Ormond controlling the Irish government. On 11^th February 1451 the original ten year appointment of the Duke of York as Lieutenant of Ireland (made on 9^th December 1447) was renewed for another ten years. But on 12^th May 1453 the Earl of Ormond and Wiltshire pushed through the corridors of power in England his own appointment as Lieutenant for ten years with a commencement date back-dated to 6^th March and without any reference to the Duke of York’s position.

The Earl of Ormond and Wiltshire was then regarded as the ‘best captain of the English nation that was in Ireland and England in those ages’ but to the disappointment of the Anglo-Irish community in Ireland the Earl opted to remain in England. Thus John Mey, Archbishop of Armagh, was appointed Deputy Lieutenant of Ireland.[26]

Archbishop Mey was not regarded as a very active governor and as an appointment of the Earl of Ormond was not going to intervene in the dispute of the manors of Maynooth and Rathmore. Repeated appeals to Archbishop Mey to resolve the issue fell on deaf ears.[27]

Maynooth under Ormond control

In 1453-4 records show that the Earl of Ormond was firmly in control of most of the manor of Maynooth and a court roll of the Earl survives for that year. Remund Roche (Rothe) was the seneschal of Maynooth for Ormond while Walter Sygyn was chief sergeant and Walter Offiyn was deputy sergeant. The court roll mentions ten cases of contempt for the lord, two cases for battery, twelve cases for trespass, two cases for illegal cutting of timber, nine cases of failure to attend court, and twenty-four cases relating to plea for debt and three undetermined cases.[28]

The Earl of Ormond didn’t have all of Maynooth manor. In 1452-3 Sir Thomas Talbot, prior of Kilmainham, held some lands around Maynooth where he was involved with the Fitz Eustace family.[29]

Maynooth castle gateway

Kildare citizens complaint about the dispute

The ten cases of contempt against the Earl of Ormond by the tenants of Maynooth seem to have been repeated across County Kildare. In June 1454 the citizens of Co. Kildare petitioned the Duke of York that the conflict between Thomas Fitzmaurice Fitzgerald and the Earl of Ormond was disrupting the economy and justice as the people dared not go to the King’s court or to market towns. Archbishop Mey was cited for ‘misrule and misgovernance’.[30] The Duke of York was protector of England between March 1454 and February 1455 and again from November 1455 to February 1456 due to the insanity of King Henry VI.

Ormond out of government and Kildare in charge

The petition to the Duke of York raised the issue in the English council as to who was the real Lord Lieutenant of Ireland; York or Ormond. On 15^th April 1454 the Duke of York was declared the rightful Lord Lieutenant. As soon as the news reached Ireland Sir Edmund Fitz Eustace assumed the job of Deputy Lieutenant and he presided at a Parliament in July.[31] Archbishop Mey thus lost his job as Deputy. It is assumed that the letter from Archbishop Mey to the Earl of Ormond seeking the £100 may have been written in the summer of 1454.

On 25^th October 1454 Sir Edmund Fitz Eustace died and Thomas Fitzmaurice Fitzgerald, 7^th Earl of Kildare, was elected Justiciar by the Irish council. The Earl of Kildare held a great council in May 1455 and a Parliament in October with the principle business of restoring order.[32] The settlement of the disorders in the area of Maynooth and Rathmore was high in the ‘to do’ list of the Earl. But getting back the Kildare inheritance proved more difficult.

Meanwhile, on 22^nd May 1455 the War of the Roses had begun in England with the battle of St. Albans. The Duke of York was victorious and retained Kildare as his Deputy in Ireland. but on 12^th October 1459 the Yorkists were routed at Ludford Bridge and the Duke of York fled to Ireland. The Earl of Ormond and Wiltshire was now reappointed as Lord Lieutenant of Ireland with Sir Thomas Bathe, Lord Louth and Archbishop John Mey as his deputies as the Earl of Ormond remained in England. But the Duke of York was in power in Ireland and the two deputies were made ineffective.[33]

In 1456 Thomas Fitzmaurice Fitzgerald was recognised as the 7^th Earl of Kildare but the Earl of Ormond still retained the manors of Maynooth and Rathmore as heir to Elizabeth, daughter and heiress of the 5^th Earl of Kildare or so he claimed.[34]

The War of the Roses

But the Ormond control over the Kildare inheritance would soon change dramatically by events in the War of the Roses. In July 1460 the Duke of York left Ireland and at the London Parliament in October claimed the crown as his rightful inheritance. The Parliament rejected the claim even-though the Lancastrian government was very unpopular. A comprised was reached that King Henry VI would remain as king for life to be succeeded by York. But the Lancastrians opposed this and at the battle of Wakefield the Duke of York was killed. Yet this was not the end of the Yorkist campaign as in March 1461 York’s son, the Earl of March (the future Edward IV) decisively defeated the Lancastrians at Towton.[35] 

Recovery of the Kildare inheritance

The Earl of Ormond escaped from the battle of Towton but was later captured and executed. The lands of the dead Earl, and his brothers, were declared forfeit. These lands of the late Earl of Ormond were located in England and Ireland and of course included the manors of Maynooth and Rathmore. The Earl of Kildare was still Deputy of Ireland in 1462 when the attainder was made and must have been delighted with the news from England. The act of attainder excluded the Fitzgerald manors of Maynooth, Kildare, le Carten, le Court de Carton, Rathmore, Lucan, Kildrought, Arst, Geashill, Offaly and all other lands and rights that were anciently held by the Earls of Kildare. 

For an account of the English property of the Earls of Ormond see = http://celtic2realms-medievalnews.blogspot.ie/2016/07/english-estates-of-earl-of-ormond-in.html 

Finally the Earl of Kildare was able to recover the manors of Maynooth and Rathmore. When the property of the Earldom of Ormond was restored to John Butler, 6^th Earl of Ormond, in 1474 and 1475 the lands of the Earldom of Kildare was excluded and remained with the 7^th Earl of Kildare.[36] Maynooth would go on to become the principle seat of the Earls of Kildare and Maynooth castle played an important part in the subsequent life of the Earldom including the Kildare rebellion on the 1530s.

Model of Maynooth castle

Ormond estate subject to female heiress

By those same 1530s the Earldom of Ormond had suffered the same fate as the Earldom of Kildare did in 1432. In August 1515 Thomas Butler, 7^th Earl of Ormond, died without male issue.[37] In 1328 the Ormond property was entailed to male issues along with the title of Earl but in the tumult of War of the Roses and the acts of attainder in 1461-2 the entailment fell into abeyance. Thus in 1515 the two daughters of the 7^th Earl of Ormond, Margaret and Anne Butler, and their respected husbands, Sir William Boleyn and Sir James St. Leger, acquired the vast Ormond estate in England and Ireland while the title of Earl was fought over by junior branches of the Butler family.[38]

In 1497 the 8^th Earl of Kildare, who was then lord deputy of Ireland, aid the infighting among the Butlers when he protected Piers Ruadh Butler after the latter’s cold-blooded murder of Sir James Butler, the bastard son of the 7^th Earl of Ormond and then agent in Ireland for the Earl.[39] 

Kildare continuation

Although the Earls of Kildare suffered death and destruction under King Henry VIII, the family survived. In the eighteenth century the Earls of Kildare became Dukes of Leinster and Carton house outside Maynooth became their chief country house. Much of the Kildare estate remained with the Fitzgerald family until the Land Acts of the late nineteenth century and not an Ormond Butler in sight to claim ownership. 

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[1] W.G.H. Quigley & E.F.D. Roberts (eds.), Registrum Iohannis Mey: The Register of John Mey, Archbishop of Armagh, 1443-1456 (Stationery Office, Belfast, 1972), p. 372

[2] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Archbishop_of_Armagh accessed on 22 November 2016

[3] W.G.H. Quigley & E.F.D. Roberts (eds.), Registrum Iohannis Mey, p. 372

[4] A.J. Otway-Ruthven, A history of Medieval Ireland (Ernest Benn, London, 1980), p. 385

[5] W.G.H. Quigley & E.F.D. Roberts (eds.), Registrum Iohannis Mey, p. 372

[6] W.G.H. Quigley & E.F.D. Roberts (eds.), Registrum Iohannis Mey, p. 372

[7] George Cokayne, The Complete Peerage (Alan Sutton, Gloucester, 1987), Vol. VII, pp. 224, 225

[8] G. Mac Niocaill (ed.), The Red Book of the Earls of Kildare (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1964), no. 158

[9] https://chancery.tcd.ie/document/patent/3-henry-v/100 accessed on 22 November 2016

[10] George Cokayne, The Complete Peerage, Vol. X, pp. 125, 126, 127

[11] Edmund Curtis (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1935), Vol. III, pp. 85, 88

[12] Edmund Curtis (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, Vol. III, p. 86

[13] Edmund Curtis (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, Vol. III, p. 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89

[14] George Cokayne, The Complete Peerage, Vol. VII, p. 228

[15] Edmund Curtis (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, Vol. III, pp. 85, 86

[16] George Cokayne, The Complete Peerage, Vol. VII, p. 228, note e

[17] George Cokayne, The Complete Peerage, Vol. VII, p. 228

[18] Edmund Curtis (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, Vol. III, pp. 119, 120, 121

[19] Paul Dryburgh & Brendan Smith, ‘Calendar of documents relating to medieval Ireland in the series o ancient deeds in the National Archives of the United Kingdom’, in Analecta Hibernia, No. 39 (2006), p. 10

[20] Paul Dryburgh & Brendan Smith (eds.), Handbook & Calendar for Medieval Ireland, pp. 271, 272, 273, 274

[21] Gearóid Mac Niocaill (ed.), Crown Surveys of Lands 1540-41 with the Kildare Rental begun in 1518 (Irish Manuscripts Commission, Dublin, 1992), pp. 253, 363

[22] A.J. Otway-Ruthven, A history of Medieval Ireland, pp. 384, 385

[23] George Cokayne, The Complete Peerage, Vol. VII, p. 227, note h, Ibid, Vol. X, p. 125

[24] George Cokayne, The Complete Peerage, Vol. X, pp. 126, 127

[25] W.G.H. Quigley & E.F.D. Roberts (eds.), Registrum Iohannis Mey, p. 372

[26] A.J. Otway-Ruthven, A history of Medieval Ireland, p. 385

[27] A.J. Otway-Ruthven, A history of Medieval Ireland, p. 385

[28] Paul Dryburgh & Brendan Smith (eds.), Handbook and Select Calendar of Sources for Medieval Ireland in the National Archives of the United Kingdom (Four Courts Press, Dublin, 2005), pp. 238, 239, 240

[29] Paul Dryburgh & Brendan Smith (eds.), Handbook & Calendar for Medieval Ireland, pp. 263, 254, 265

[30] A.J. Otway-Ruthven, A history of Medieval Ireland, p. 385

[31] A.J. Otway-Ruthven, A history of Medieval Ireland, p. 386

[32] A.J. Otway-Ruthven, A history of Medieval Ireland, p. 386

[33] A.J. Otway-Ruthven, A history of Medieval Ireland, p. 386

[34] A.J. Otway-Ruthven, A history of Medieval Ireland, p. 386, note 16

[35] A.J. Otway-Ruthven, A history of Medieval Ireland, p. 388

[36] A.J. Otway-Ruthven, A history of Medieval Ireland, p. 386, note 16, p. 389; Edmund Curtis (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, Vol. III, p. 192, 217

[37] George Cokayne, The Complete Peerage, Vol. X, p. 133

[38] David Edwards, The Ormond lordship in County Kilkenny 1515-1642: The Rise and Fall of Butler Feudal Power (Four Courts Press, Dublin, 2003), pp. 79, 80, 82

[39] David Edwards, The Ormond lordship in County Kilkenny 1515-1642, p. 83

Fulling mills in the early Fifteenth Century according to the Inquisitions Post Mortem

Fulling mills in the early Fifteenth Century according to the

Inquisitions Post Mortem

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

This article explores the fulling mills of early fifteenth century England and Wales as recorded in the various Calendars of Inquisitions Post Mortem in the years from 1418 to 1447. The inquisitions recorded about ninety-eight fulling mills in that period. The inquisitions principally dealt with great and small landowners who held their property directly from the King.

Limitations of the Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem

Even where a landowner is recorded in an inquisition post mortem the presence of a fulling mill is not always mention. When Robert Hill of Spaxton in Somerset died in 1423 the brief record of his inquisition post mortem said he held Spaxton manor (worth 20 marks) and the advowson of the church but no further details.[1] It is only in other documents that we find a fulling mill at Spaxton in 1412 rented from Robert Hill by John Person and William Tucker.[2] As such the number of fulling mills recorded in the inquisitions is not the total number of mills in operation at that time.

This is shown clearly in the case of west Berkshire. In 1420 Edward Courtenay, Earl of Devon, had a fulling mill at his manor of Sutton Courtenay in Berkshire, worth 6s 8d.[3] This is the only fulling mill recorded in the inquisitions post mortem but it was far from the only mill in Berkshire. Other sources identified sixteen fulling mills in west Berkshire alone or about thirty-five per cent of all identified mills.[4]

Elsewhere there are examples of fulling mills that are noted for other reasons than the death of the owner. One such case is of a fulling mill at Dunheved in Cornwall which was recorded because it was mentioned as one of the boundary markers of the borough in 1400 when the prior of Launceston and the borough were settling areas of authority.[5] Even a study of the Devon cloth industry in the eighteenth century failed to account for all the fulling mills then in that county and that in a time when more documents were available than in medieval times.[6]

Work at a fulling mill

A fulling mill was where cloth and other materials could be made more compact, firm and durable by the process of scouring, cleansing and thickening the material. The end objective was to shrink the cloth and thicken the fibres so that the woven pattern was indistinguishable. The usual process involved was by placing a piece of cloth in the trough at the mill. For a piece of 45 ells in size, about 15lbs of soap was required with haft going into two pails of hot water. The solution was then added gradually to the trough. The cloth and solution was then fulled for about two hours.[7]

Waterpower at the mill

Before mechanisation fulling was done by people walking into the trough. At some time water power was applied instead of human power. In the time of King John the Templar’s had two water-powered fulling mills and by the fourteenth century there were water powered mills across the country. Most of the new fulling mills were located where the rivers had swift currents and so in the uplands away from the established towns. This placed the mills close to the wool growing districts which worked best in the high ground.

The move towards mechanisation was resisted by the old established fullers. In 1260 the merchant guild of Leicester passed an ordinance that no guildsman should have a fulling mill outside the town. In 1298 and 1310 complaints were made by the old London fulling firms about cloth going out to mills at Stratford and elsewhere when the cloth should have been fulled ‘by the feet of men of the craft or their servants in their houses within the city. Even as late as 1346 it was forbidden at Bristol to take raw cloth outside the city to be fulled.[8]

Water powered fulling mills in 1418-1447

In the research among the inquisitions post mortem of 1418 to 1447 a number of water-powered fulling mills were discovered. In May 1439 Eleanor Talbot held a water mill for fulling at her manor of Hamatethy in Cornwall (worth 2s) and another mill worth 6d at Trethew. In Devon she had a water mill for fulling at Whelmstone, worth 40d. Sir Robert Hungerford was her heir.[9] In October 1443 Sir John Tiptoft, lord Tiptoft and Powis, was seized of a water mill for fulling (worth 10s) at Ryme Intrinseca in Dorset.[10] In February 1443 Alice, who was the wife of Sir Thomas Boteler, two water mills, worth 40s of which one was for fulling at Sudeley in Gloucester.[11]

In 1422 Humphrey Fitzwalter, son and heir of Walter Fitzwalter, held two water mills at Lexden  in Essex of which one was a fulling mill, worth 40s yearly, and the other a corn mill. Humphrey possessed other properties in Essex but no further fulling mill nor any at his properties in Suffolk, Lincolnshire and Kent.[12] In 1423 John de la Pole had two water mills at Guildford in Surrey worth 25s each and a fulling mill without a loft worth 10s, which Robert Vyict formerly held for life.[13] In June 1439 Robert Warner had two fulling mills under one roof on his manor of Poyle in Surrey (worth 10s).[14]

Further work at a fulling mill

After two hours in the fulling trough the cloth was taken out and well wrung to squeeze out the dirt and grease. The cloth then went back into the trough for a second period of fulling. After this the rest of the soap was added into a pot and poured four times onto the cloth. The cloth was then taken out and stretched for two hours and stretched again and again until over a two hour period to get the required quality and thickness. But even after all of that the work was not done unless you were working with white cloth which used less soap and involved less labour. Finally the cloth was scoured in hot water and kept in the trough until clean.[15]  

Owners of fulling mills

Because water powered mills were located out in the countryside they were invariably built on land owned by the great landowners. Sometimes the landowners would operate the mills but it was more normal for the mills to be leased out to enterprising weavers and fullers. These people would then hire local people to work the mills, like the sons of tenants, women and small farmers.[16]  

The great landowners were not the other people to possess a fulling mill, small proprietors also had mills. In November 1439 John Flory held a fulling mill called ‘Keynershoysmylle’ at Orchardleigh in Somerset. The mill was worth 30s 6d yearly. John also had a messuage and about 7½ acres of land and underwood, which he held of the king as a twentieth part of a knight’s fee. He was succeeded by his son John Flory.[17] John Flory was the smallest property owner to hold a fulling mill in all the inquisitions post mortem taken between 1418 and 1447.

Apart from the great landowners other people also had fulling mills such as the King, various religious houses and town corporations. In 1439 an inquisition found the King had a fulling mill at his manor of King’s Cliffe in Northamptonshire, worth 13s 4d. At Geddington in the same county the king had a fulling mill worth 26s 8d, the repair of which belonged to the King. The mill was in the King’s hand due to lack of tenants.[18]

The Duchy of Cornwall had a number of fulling mills. There was one by the borough of Grauntpont with two corns mills; one at Moresk with two corns mills; a water mill for corn and a fulling mill at Calystock and a fulling mill at Clymeslond.[19] By 1650 there were two fulling mills at Moresk and at Clymeslond.[20] Elsewhere the Bishop of Carlisle had a fulling mill on the River Caldew, worth 10s yearly.[21] In about 1436 John Bullford of Newbury built a new fulling mill on free land at Shaw in Berkshire that belonged to Ingram atte Moore without the permission of Winchester College.[22]

Not every place had a fulling mill

Just as not every manor had a corn mill so it was that not every place had a fulling mill. Even the great landowners, with property scattered across several counties had only a mill here and there. In 1425 Edmund Mortimer, Earl of March and Ulster, died seized of vast estates across many of the counties of England but only seven fulling mills.[23]

In Cornwall, Margaret Peurell had a fulling mill at her manor of Park worth 4s yearly. The same manor had a grist mill and dovecot. In the six other manors held by Margaret there was only a grist mill at three of them and no more fulling mills.[24] In October 1446 the inquisition post mortem of Henry Beauchamp, Duke of Warwick, found that he held the fulling mill at South Tawton in Devon, worth 12d yearly and no other mill across his vast estates spread over several counties.[25]

How old was each fulling mill

It is difficult to date each of the ninety-eight fulling mills mentioned in the inquisitions between 1418 and 1447. In 1422 Sir John de Clifford had a fulling mill at Skipton in Yorkshire worth 20s. There was a fulling mill at Skipton as early as 1327 according to the inquisitions post mortem of that time.[26] At Wakefield, also in Yorkshire, in 1434 Joan, Duchess of York, had a fulling mill worth 13s 4d. There was a fulling mill at Wakefield since at least 1327.[27] A search through the available books and manuscripts may establish an early date for some of the ninety-eight mills but as not all of the medieval documents have survived it is possible to get a false impression as to the age of some of the mills.

The value of a fulling mill

The scribes of the Inquisitions Post Mortem gave a monetary value for most of the recorded fulling mills. These values ranged from worthless mills that were decayed or in ruins to very valuable mills. The mill with the lowest value was that at Trethew in Cornwall worth 6d.[28] the mills with the highest value were over 20s such as that held by John Roger of Bryanston in Dorset who had a fulling mill at Barwick in Somerset, worth 26s 8d above repairs.[29]

Elizabeth, widow of Thomas, Duke of Norfolk, had some of highest valued fulling mills in the country. In 1425 she had a fulling mill, worth 20s yearly, at Great Chesterford in Essex, another mill at Hollesley in Suffolk, worth 20s (worth 26s 8d in 1432), a large mill at Swansea, worth 25s 6d.[30] In 1434 Joan, Duchess of York and wife Edmund, Duke of York, and of Sir Henry Brounflete, had a fulling mill at Bedhampton manor in Hampshire worth 35s yearly. Bedhampton was granted by King Edward III to Edmund of Woodstock from whom it descended to Joan.[31]

The highest valued fulling mill was that held by Elizabeth, who was the wife of Robert Lovell, in 1437. She had a water mill called ‘fullingmill’, worth 60s yearly at her manor of Layham in Suffolk and another fulling mill (worth 2 marks) at Borley manor in Essex.[32]

Another fulling mill of high value was in 1425 located at Cleobury Mortimer in Shropshire, where the Earl of March and Ulster had a mill worth 40s yearly. This passed to his widow Anne Mortimer and was again worth 40s in 1432.[33]

Most of the fulling mills in the early fifteenth century were usually worth from 12d to 6s 8d. Examples of these values include that held by Sir William Bodrugan at Trethew in Cornwall (worth 12d), to that of 2s each for two mills at Challonsleigh in Devon held by Sir Robert Chalons. The majority of mills started at 3s 4d such as that at Ingleton in Yorkshire held by Margery, widow of Robert Hanley. The average value of normal size mills was 6s 8d such as that at Allerston in Yorkshire held by Sir Richard Hastings and that at Springfield in Essex held by Sir Lewis John.[34]

Hammers heads at a fulling mill

The value of a fulling mill compared to a corn mill

In most cases the value of a corn mill was higher than that of a fulling mill, even within the same manor. In 1422 Sir John de Clifford had a fulling mill at Langton in Westmoreland, worth 6s 8d. In the same county he had a number of water mills worth from 10s to 26s 8d.[35] In 1436 Sir John de Greystoke had a water mill for corn (worth 60s) and a fulling mill (worth 6s 8d) at his manor of Greystoke in Cumberland. There was a fulling mill at Greystoke as early as 1360 if not before then. In the same county he also had a fulling mill at Berrier worth 3s 4d, a mill at Watermillock worth 6s 8d and two fulling mills at Sparket (worth 10s). At Dufton in Westmoreland Sir John de Greystoke had a fulling mill worth 6s 8d and a corn mill worth 13s 4d. At Morpeth in Northumberland Sir John de Greystoke had a water mill and a fulling mill worth together 26s 8d yearly. He had a number of other water mills for corn in that county but no further fulling mills.[36]

The higher value for a corn mill over than of a fulling mill was not always repeated in every county. In 1428 Sir John Dynham had a fulling mill, worth 40d, at Hartland manor in Devon. There were three corn mills at the same place were worth 20s yearly.[37] Also in Devon, in February 1441, Anne, late Countess of Devon, had a fulling mill at Tiverton which was worth 4s yearly with two grain mills valued at 51s 6d.[38] But in 1438 Alice, who was the wife of William Fraunceys, had two mills on her manor of Hele in Devon, one for grain and the other a fulling mill and each were worth 20d yearly.[39]

The value of a fulling mill and its income

In 1428 Sir John Dynham had a fulling mill at Buckland Dinham in Somerset worth 16s per year. In the same place he had a grain mill (worth 16s) and two dovecots (6s yearly).[40] It is sometimes difficult to relate the value of a fulling mill to the income it could generate. In 1505 a mill at Levyngton Bishop in Wiltshire was valued at 60s yearly and was leased for 85 years at an annual rent of 33s 4d.[41]

In 1428 Hugh Luterell held two fulling mills at Carhampton in Somerset worth 6s 8d each. The same manor had three water mills (60s each) and one dovecot (3s 4d).[42] Another inquisition held in 1430 into the estate of Sir John Lutterell repeated the values of the fulling mills, water mills and dovecot. Margaret, widow of Sir John Lutterell, received as part of her dower a tenement and fulling mill at Carhampton that Thomas Cross rented for 13s 4d per year.[43]

In 1439 the Earl of Warwick received 13s 4d in rent from a fulling mill at Dursley, Gloucestershire, that Alice Cooper held. The value of the mill was not stated. The jury didn’t know who the landlord of the mill was but they were sure it was not the king.[44] In the early years of King Edward III Sir John Botetort leased a fulling mill at Halsted in Essex to Sir John Dyn, Margery his wife and John de Boys for 66s 8d per year. Sir John Botetort held the mill from Sir Robert Busser by the service of 1lb of pepper and 2d yearly.[45]

Extra income associated with fulling mills

The income from a fulling mill was not the only income a landlord could receive. There were other associated sources of income available in certain places. In December 1440 Joan, late Countess of Westmoreland, had a fulling mill at Penrith in Cumberland worth 3s 4d. In the vill of Penrith the lord received 20s in annual rent from the tailor’s farm and other monies from the baker and tanner farms (26s 8d & 4s) along with 4d from the dyer’s farm and 2s from the weavers.[46]

Fulling mills declining in value or in ruins

Many of the fulling mills recorded in the early fifteenth century were standing and operation. Yet a number of the inquisitions show fulling mills declining in value or in ruins. In 1436 Sir Robert Babthorp had a fulling mill at North Cave in Yorkshire which was worth nothing because it was ruinous.[47] In 1445 John Speke had a valueless fulling mill at Brushford in Devon along with other property across the county which were not always in good condition.[48]

In 1435 Walter Sandes had a fulling mill at Upper Clatford in Hampshire worth 13s 4d.[49] In October 1442 Thomas Sandes had the fulling mill at Upper Clatford where the value was unstated but included in the overall value of his property there.[50] At the inquisition post mortem of Sibyl, late wife of Thomas Sandes (October 1445), the fulling mill was worth 10s yearly.[51] With this information we can see a decline in the value of the mill over the ten years.

In 1428 Richard Rede held two ‘weakened’ fulling mills on his manor of Walbury in Essex, each worth 10s yearly.[52] A few years later, in 1436, John, son of Richard Rede, had the two fulling mills at Wallbury but by then they were of no value because they were ‘greatly run-down’.[53]

The reasons why the two mills had declined in value to become valueless are difficult to establish at this distance in time. Bad estate management or local changes in farming could have been factors. A neighbouring landlord could have built a better fulling mill or diverted the local water source and so decreasing the power and value of the mill. These local influences may be at the heart of it as not every fulling mill was worthless. In 1435 Alice, wife of Sir Guy de Bryene, had a fulling mill at Brook Hall in Essex worth 20s yearly. But, at Sutton Poyntz in Dorset, Alice had a nearly decayed mill which was worth nothing.[54]

Some fulling mills in Wales in the early fifteenth century were in a decayed condition due to war. In the lordship of Usk in Wales, Edmund Mortimer, Earl of March and Ulster, held a fulling mill which before the Welsh rebellion was worth £7 but by 1425, for want of a tenant, was only worth 40s (worth 13s 4d in 1432). A number of corn mills in the Usk area were totally destroyed in the Welsh rebellion and were worth nothing. The fulling mill at Cwmwd Deuddwr was also worth nothing because it was totally destroyed. Yet not all the Welsh mills were destroyed as at Caellion the Earl of March had another fulling mill worth 20s yearly. Another mill at Swansea held Elizabeth, widow of Thomas, Duke of Norfolk, was in 1425 worth 25s 6d. Over the border in Herefordshire the Earl of March had fulling mills at Knighton (worth 13s 4d) and Pembridge (worth 23s 4d) which by their value were in good working order.[55]

The decline and rise in value of fulling mills

But just as fulling mills appear to decline in value there are also examples of mills improving over time. In 1428 Joan, wife of Sir Thomas Pomeray, had a fulling mill at Tregony manor in Cornwall, worth 5s per year and at Stockleigh Pomeray in Devon she had a fulling mill worth nothing.[56] By 1446 Edward Pomeray observed the decline in value of the fulling mill (worth 20d) at Tregony to 20d. But at the same time the mill at Stockleigh Pomeray had increased in value to 20d.[57] Here we see a decline in the value of the Cornwall mill and an increase for the one in Devon where both were owned by the same person.

Gaps in the records of the Inquisitions Post Mortem

As said above in the introduction, not every fulling mill of the early fifteenth century was recorded in the various inquisitions and even those that were recorded present difficulties of interpretation. An example of this comes from Cumberland.

In November 1439 Katherine, who was the wife of Richard Salkeld, held a fulling mill, worth 6s 8d at her manor of Great Corby in Cumberland along with other property including two mills for grain (worth 33s 4d and 20s). But chancery was suspect as to the truthfulness of the November inquisition post mortem and issued a new writ. The new inquiry in December found that she had two fulling mills at Great Cosby worth 6s 8d and only one grain mill worth 20s yearly. It is not clear if the fulling mills were worth 6s 8d in total or each worth that amount.[58] It is also not clear what happened to the grain mill worth 33s 4d. Was it the second fulling mill or was the mill owned by a different person and so not part of the estate of Katherine Salkeld?

In other cases we are fortunate to have a series of inquisitions post mortem to determine the number of mills in a locality. In August 1400 Isabel, widow of Sir William Cogan, died and was found seized of three fulling mills at Uffculme, worth 6s. Isabel Cogan was succeeded by Fulk Fitzwarin who died in September 1420 leaving two fulling mills at Uffculme worth 4s. In November 1420, Anne, widow of Fulk Fitzwarin, left one third of the Uffculme mills worth 2s.[59] In 1431 Sir Richard Hankford had two fulling mills at Uffculme in Devon, worth 16s with a water mill.[60] This would suggest that the three mills there in 1400 were still in operation in 1420. If we didn’t have the inquisition of Anne Fitzwarin or Richard Hankford we may have concluded that the number of fulling mills at Uffculme had declined.

Conclusion

Historians are often given to make general comments about history but this article on fulling mills in the early fifteenth century shows that general comments can be misleading. In this article we saw mills in ruins or decaying in value but in the same period places like war-torn Wales had some of the highest valued mills. In other cases the value of mills under the same owner increased and decreased at different places within the same time period. It is only by looking at the evidence in many different locations in different counties that can we come to some conclusion. Corn mills may have been more valued than fulling mills in monetary terms but people also needed clothes on their backs as well as food in their stomachs.

The mechanisation of fulling mills also shows that the medieval world was not all hard back-breaking labour – the age could embrace new technologies. The powered fulling mills, which were opposed to by the old companies in the beginning, were still part of the landscape in the early fifteenth century. How many of the mills mentioned above survived the economic depression of the mid Fifteenth century is a matter to be discovered in future editions of the Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem series.   

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Appendix one

Below is an account of those fulling mills which appeared in the various Inquisitions Post Mortem between 1418 and 1447 and which were not mentioned in the above article.

Cumberland

In 1418 Ralph, Baron Greystoke, had a fulling mill at Scalefield in Cumberland, worth 6s 8d, and another mill at Morpeth in Northumberland with no stated value.[61]

In 1436 John Crakenthorp had a third part of a fulling mill at Ousby in Cumberland worth 12d yearly and a water mill worth 40d. John held these and other lands and buildings in Cumberland by curtesy after the death of his wife Alice with reversion to his son William Crakenthorp.[62] In Westmoreland county John Crakenthorp held a fulling mill in fee at Newbiggin (worth 12d) and a water mill worth 2s along with other lands and buildings.[63]

In May 1439 William Crakenthorp held the fulling mill at Newbigin (worth 12d) and the third part of the mill at Ousby. William died on 25^th April 1439 and was succeeded by his son John Crakenthorp.[64]

Derbyshire

In 1423 Elizabeth, widow of John de Neville, had a fulling mill at Larkwell in Derbyshire worth 20s yearly.[65]

Devon

In 1420 Edward Courtenay, Earl of Devon, had a fulling mill at Washbourne but no separate value was given for it.[66] In March 1438 John Chechester held a message, a fulling mill and a carucate of land at Ruxford in Devon from the king as parcel of the Duchy of Cornwall. The total annual value was 46s 8d. He held other property in other places in Devon. On 16^th April 1429 John Chechester had granted an annual rent of 26s 8d on the property at Ruxford to Richard Holand for life. On 9^th October 1430 John Chechester granted an annual rent of 40s on the Ruxford property to Juliana Badham for life. On 28^th March 1437 John Chechester granted most of his property to trustees and after death was succeeded by his son Richard, a minor.[67]

Margaret Peuerell had a fulling mill (worth 3s 4d) at Whelmstone Barton along with a grist mill (worth 3s 4d).[68] In June 1439 Richard Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, had a fulling mill at North Bovey worth 5s yearly.[69]

Essex

In 1427 Idony, widow of John Walden, had a grist mill and fulling mill at her manor of Dedham in Essex, which she held in common with the priory of Campsey Ash. The manor’s part of the two mills was worth 26s 8d.[70]

Kent

In November 1447 Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, had three water mills at Penshurst in Kent (worth 40s). One of these mills was used for fulling cloth.[71]

Lincolnshire

In 1421 Sir John de Welles had a fulling mill, worth 20s, at his manor of Aby in Lincolnshire and three mills at the manor of Well, worth 4s each.[72] In 1426 Margery, the widow of Sir John Welles, held a third part of the fulling mill at Aby (worth 6s), a slight decline in value of the total mill.[73] In 1430 Cecily, widow of Sir William Cheyne, had a fulling mill at Tothill manor in Lincolnshire, worth 5s yearly, and a water mill worth 6s 8d.[74]

Shropshire

In 1431 Sir Richard Hankford had two fulling mills at Whittington in Shropshire (worth 40s yearly) and two water mills (worth 50s yearly). In 1420 the value of two thirds of the fulling mills was 26s 8d and one third worth 13s 4d.[75] He had another water mill at Red Castle worth 12s. The existence of the mills was of advantage to the local communities as parts of Sir Richard’s property were worth nothing because it was destroyed by Welsh rebels.[76]

Somerset

In 1422 Margaret Peuerell held a fulling mill (worth 6s 8d) at South Carbury in Somerset. The said manor also contained a grist mill (worth 6s 8d) and a dovecot (worth 3s 4d).[77]

Suffolk

In 1424 Maud, widow of John de Monte Acto, Earl of Salisbury, held a fulling mill worth 6s 8d at her manor of Newton in Suffolk.[78]

Wales

There were a number of fulling mills in Wales, many of which were mentioned above. In 1432 John, Duke of Norfolk, had the Swansea mill with an addition fulling mill at Clydach in Wales worth 10s and another at Oystermouth (6s 8d) along with a mill at Kilvey (worth 4s).[79]

Westmoreland

In 1434 Sir John de Lancaster had a fulling mill worth 10s at his manor of Rydal in Westmoreland.[80] In 1436 Elizabeth, who was the wife of Ralph, Earl of Westmoreland, held a fulling mill at Appleby in Westmoreland worth 6s 8d.[81] In February 1445 Margaret, late wife of John, Duke of Somerset, had at Grasmere in Westmoreland a third of two parts of a fulling mill with its profits (worth 2s 11½d) in the tenure of all the tenants of the hamlet.[82]

Wiltshire

In November 1447 Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, was found seized of a fulling mill at Milford in Wiltshire which was valued along with a toft and 52 acres of land at 40s and another mill at Mumworth called ‘Mommeworthesmill’ which was valued at 10s yearly.[83]

Yorkshire

In 1421 Sir Richard Lescrop of Castle Bolton held a fulling mill, worth two marks, at his manor of Ellerton-on-Swale in Yorkshire.[84] In 1425 Ralph Neville, Earl of Westmoreland, held at Richmond in Yorkshire a fulling mill worth 10s yearly. There may have been mills at other locations but many of his properties are just listed as a manor with its total value.[85] In 1435 John, Duke of Bedford, had the fulling mill at Richmond, worth 10s, and a water fulling mill at Penshurst in Kent but no other across his vast estates spread over several counties.[86]

In 1425 Elizabeth, widow of Thomas, Duke of Norfolk, a third part of a fulling mill at Hovingham in Yorkshire (worth 3s 4d) as well as other places mentioned above.[87] In 1427 Joan, the widow of Roger Swyllyngton, had two water mills at Colburn in Yorkshire. One of the mills was for grain (worth 10s yearly) and the other mill was a fulling mill (worth 5s yearly).[88]

In 1430 Sir Thomas de Roos of Helmsley had a fulling mill at Harome manor in Yorkshire (worth 6s 8d) and a water mill for grain (worth 20s).[89] In October 1438 Margaret, wife of Sir William Roos of Helmsley, held four fulling mills at Howsham in Yorkshire, each worth 6s 8d yearly above maintenance and repair. She had a grain mill at the same place worth 20s above repair.[90] 

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[1] Kate Parkin (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXII, 1 to 5 Henry VI, 1422-1427 (Boydell Press & National Archives, 2003), no. 94

[2] Robert W. Dunning (ed.), The Hylle Cartulary (Somerset Record Society, Vol. LXVIII, 1968), no. 30a

[3] J.L. Kirby & Janet H. Stevenson (eds.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXI, 6 to 10 Henry V, 1418-1422 (Boydell Press & National Archives, 2002), nos. 345, 937

[4] Margaret Yates, ‘Watermills in the Local Economy of a Late Medieval Manor in Berkshire’, in Social Attitudes and Political Structures in the Fifteenth Century, edited by Tim Thorton (Stroud, 2000)

[5] P.L. Hull (ed.), The cartulary of Launceston Priory (Devon & Cornwall Record Society, New Series, Vol. 30, 1987), no. 38

[6] Stanley D. Chapman (ed.), The Devon cloth industry in the Eighteenth Century: Sun Fire Office inventory of merchant’s and manufacturers’ property, 1726-1770 (Devon & Cornwall Record Society, New Series, Vol. 23, 1978), p. xvii

[7] National Encyclopaedia (William Mackenzie, London, 1870), Vol. VI, p. 507

[8] May McKisack, The Fourteenth Century 1307-1399 (Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1997), p. 365

[9] Claire Noble (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXV, 16 to 20 Henry VI, 1437-1442 (Boydell Press & National Archives, 2009), nos. 255, 256

[10] M.L. Holford (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXVI, 21 to 25 Henry VI, 1442-1447 (Boydell Press & National Archives, 2009), no. 94

[11] M.L. Holford (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXVI, 21 to 25 Henry VI, no. 110

[12] Kate Parkin (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXII, 1 to 5 Henry VI, no. 186

[13] Kate Parkin (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXII, 1 to 5 Henry VI, no. 281

[14] Claire Noble (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXV, 16 to 20 Henry VI, no. 162

[15] National Encyclopaedia, Vol. VI, p. 507

[16] May McKisack, The Fourteenth Century 1307-1399, p. 366

[17] Claire Noble (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXV, 16 to 20 Henry VI, no. 427

[18] J.W.B. Chapman (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Miscellaneous (Chancery), Volume VIII, 1422-1485 (Boydell Press & National Archives, 2003), no. 128, 231

[19] P.L. Hull (ed.), The caption of seisin of the Duchy of Cornwall, 1337 (Devon & Cornwall Record Society, New Series, Vol. 17, 1971), pp. 64, 73, 100, 108

[20] Norman J.G. Pounds (ed.), The Parliamentary survey of the Duchy of Cornwall, part 1, Austell Prior to Saltash (Devon & Cornwall Record Society, New Series, Vol. 25, 1982), p. 92; Norman J.G. Pounds (ed.), The Parliamentary survey of the Duchy of Cornwall, part II, Isles of Scilly to West Antony and manors in Devon (Devon & Cornwall Record Society, New Series, Vol. 27, 1984), pp. 155, 161

[21] R.L. Storey (ed.), The Register of John Kirkby, Bishop of Carlisle, 1332-1352 and the Register of John Ross, Bishop of Carlisle, 1325-32 (Canterbury & York Society, 1955), Volume II, no. 843 (18)

[22] Margaret Yates, ‘Watermills in the Local Economy of a Late Medieval Manor in Berkshire’, in Social Attitudes and Political Structures in the Fifteenth Century, edited by Tim Thorton (Stroud, 2000)

[23] Kate Parkin (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXII, 1 to 5 Henry VI, nos. 504, 507

[24] Kate Parkin (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXII, 1 to 5 Henry VI, no. 140

[25] M.L. Holford (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXVI, 21 to 25 Henry VI, no. 447

[26] J.L. Kirby & Janet H. Stevenson (eds.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXI, 6 to 10 Henry V, no. 957; J.E.E.S. Sharp (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume VII, Edward III (Kraus reprint, 1973), no. 77 (p. 42)

[27] M.L. Holford, S.A. Mileson, C.V. Noble & Kate Parkin (eds.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXIV, 11 to 15 Henry VI, no. 262; J.E.E.S. Sharp (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume VII, Edward III, no. 82 (p. 57)

[28] Claire Noble (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXV, 16 to 20 Henry VI, no. 255

[29] Claire Noble (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXV, 16 to 20 Henry VI, no. 606

[30] Kate Parkin (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXII, 1 to 5 Henry VI, nos. 434, 435, 441

[31] M.L. Holford, S.A. Mileson, C.V. Noble & Kate Parkin (eds.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXIV, 11 to 15 Henry VI, 1432-1437 (Boydell Press & National Archives, 2010), no. 260

[32] Claire Noble (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXV, 16 to 20 Henry VI, nos. 81, 83

[33] Kate Parkin (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXII, 1 to 5 Henry VI, no. 507; M.L. Holford, S.A. Mileson, C.V. Noble & Kate Parkin (eds.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXIV, 11 to 15 Henry VI, no. 71

[34] Kate Parkin (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXII, 1 to 5 Henry VI, no. 747; M.L. Holford, S.A. Mileson, C.V. Noble & Kate Parkin (eds.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXIV, 11 to 15 Henry VI, no. 702; M.L. Holford (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXVI, 21 to 25 Henry VI, nos. 122, 318, 518

[35] J.L. Kirby & Janet H. Stevenson (eds.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXI, 6 to 10 Henry V, no. 958

[36] M.L. Holford, S.A. Mileson, C.V. Noble & Kate Parkin (eds.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXIV, 11 to 15 Henry VI, nos. 496, 497, 498; E.G. Atkinson (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume X, Edward III (Kraus reprint, 1973), no. 524 (p. 423)

[37] Claire Noble (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXIII, 6 to 10 Henry VI, 1427-1432 (Boydell Press & National Archives, 2004), no. 260

[38] Claire Noble (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXV, 16 to 20 Henry VI, no. 507

[39] Claire Noble (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXV, 16 to 20 Henry VI, no. 44

[40] Claire Noble (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXIII, 6 to 10 Henry VI, no. 259

[41] Angela Conyers (ed.), Wiltshire extents for debt Edward I-Elizabeth I (Wiltshire Record Society, Vol. 28, 1972), no. 58

[42] Claire Noble (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXIII, 6 to 10 Henry VI, no. 52

[43] Claire Noble (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXIII, 6 to 10 Henry VI, nos. 555, 556

[44] Claire Noble (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXV, 16 to 20 Henry VI, no. 286

[45] J.E.E.S. Sharp (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume VIII, Edward III (Kraus reprint, 1973), no. 234

[46] Claire Noble (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXV, 16 to 20 Henry VI, no. 517

[47] M.L. Holford, S.A. Mileson, C.V. Noble & Kate Parkin (eds.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXIV, 11 to 15 Henry VI, no. 706

[48] M.L. Holford (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXVI, 21 to 25 Henry VI, no. 320

[49] M.L. Holford, S.A. Mileson, C.V. Noble & Kate Parkin (eds.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXIV, 11 to 15 Henry VI, no. 340

[50] Claire Noble (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXV, 16 to 20 Henry VI, no. 608

[51] M.L. Holford (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXVI, 21 to 25 Henry VI, no. 425

[52] Claire Noble (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXIII, 6 to 10 Henry VI, no. 240

[53] M.L. Holford, S.A. Mileson, C.V. Noble & Kate Parkin (eds.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXIV, 11 to 15 Henry VI, no. 629

[54] M.L. Holford, S.A. Mileson, C.V. Noble & Kate Parkin (eds.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXIV, 11 to 15 Henry VI, nos. 343, 345

[55] Kate Parkin (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXII, 1 to 5 Henry VI, nos. 435, 508, 510; M.L. Holford, S.A. Mileson, C.V. Noble & Kate Parkin (eds.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXIV, 11 to 15 Henry VI, nos. 77, 79

[56] Claire Noble (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXIII, 6 to 10 Henry VI, nos. 246, 247

[57] M.L. Holford (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXVI, 21 to 25 Henry VI, nos. 416, 417

[58] Claire Noble (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXV, 16 to 20 Henry VI, nos. 393, 394, note 338

[59] J.L. Kirby & Janet H. Stevenson (eds.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXI, 6 to 10 Henry V, nos. 610, 627, 635

[60] Claire Noble (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXIII, 6 to 10 Henry VI, no. 577; M.L. Holford, S.A. Mileson, C.V. Noble & Kate Parkin (eds.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXIV, 11 to 15 Henry VI, no. 240

[61] J.L. Kirby & Janet H. Stevenson (eds.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXI, 6 to 10 Henry V, nos. 110, 111

[62] M.L. Holford, S.A. Mileson, C.V. Noble & Kate Parkin (eds.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXIV, 11 to 15 Henry VI, 1432-1437, no. 467

[63] M.L. Holford, S.A. Mileson, C.V. Noble & Kate Parkin (eds.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXIV, 11 to 15 Henry VI, 1432-1437, no. 468

[64] Claire Noble (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXV, 16 to 20 Henry VI, nos. 214, 215

[65] Kate Parkin (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXII, 1 to 5 Henry VI, no. 150

[66] J.L. Kirby & Janet H. Stevenson (eds.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXI, 6 to 10 Henry V, no. 941

[67] Claire Noble (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXV, 16 to 20 Henry VI, no. 103

[68] Kate Parkin (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXII, 1 to 5 Henry VI, no. 139

[69] Claire Noble (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXV, 16 to 20 Henry VI, no. 273

[70] Kate Parkin (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXII, 1 to 5 Henry VI, no. 810

[71] M.L. Holford (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXVI, 21 to 25 Henry VI, no. 550

[72] J.L. Kirby & Janet H. Stevenson (eds.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXI, 6 to 10 Henry V, no. 859

[73] Kate Parkin (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXII, 1 to 5 Henry VI, no. 608

[74] Claire Noble (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXIII, 6 to 10 Henry VI, no. 504

[75] J.L. Kirby & Janet H. Stevenson (eds.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXI, 6 to 10 Henry V, nos. 623, 631; M.L. Holford, S.A. Mileson, C.V. Noble & Kate Parkin (eds.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXIV, 11 to 15 Henry VI, no. 239

[76] Claire Noble (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXIII, 6 to 10 Henry VI, no. 575

[77] Kate Parkin (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXII, 1 to 5 Henry VI, no. 138

[78] Kate Parkin (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXII, 1 to 5 Henry VI, no. 464

[79] M.L. Holford, S.A. Mileson, C.V. Noble & Kate Parkin (eds.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXIV, 11 to 15 Henry VI, nos. 114, 115

[80] M.L. Holford, S.A. Mileson, C.V. Noble & Kate Parkin (eds.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXIV, 11 to 15 Henry VI no. 403

[81] M.L. Holford, S.A. Mileson, C.V. Noble & Kate Parkin (eds.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXIV, 11 to 15 Henry VI, no. 691

[82] M.L. Holford (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXVI, 21 to 25 Henry VI, no. 195

[83] M.L. Holford (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXVI, 21 to 25 Henry VI, no. 548

[84] J.L. Kirby & Janet H. Stevenson (eds.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXI, 6 to 10 Henry V, no. 737

[85] Kate Parkin (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXII, 1 to 5 Henry VI, no. 649

[86] M.L. Holford, S.A. Mileson, C.V. Noble & Kate Parkin (eds.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXIV, 11 to 15 Henry VI, nos. 547, 549a

[87] Kate Parkin (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXII, 1 to 5 Henry VI, no. 436

[88] Claire Noble (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXIII, 6 to 10 Henry VI, no. 113

[89] Claire Noble (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXIII, 6 to 10 Henry VI, no. 542

[90] Claire Noble (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXV, 16 to 20 Henry VI, no. 228