Thursday, January 4, 2018

Siston manor in Gloucestershire 1200 to c.1450

Siston manor in Gloucestershire 1200 to c.1450

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

Siston is a small village and parish at the southern end of the County of Gloucestershire which contains 1,827 acres. The village lies at the confluence of the two sources of the Siston Brook, a tributary of the River Avon. The village consists of a number of cottages and farms centred on St Anne's Church, and the grand Tudor manor house of Siston Court. Previous articles on Siston can be found at 

http://celtic2realms-medievalnews.blogspot.ie/2014/10/siston-gloucestershire-c1086-to-c1220.html

and 

http://celtic2realms-medievalnews.blogspot.ie/2014/12/siston-manor-gloucestershire-in-1273.html

This article explores the people and places of Siston from about 1200 to about 1450.

Siston Church

On 8th March 1305 the king presented Philip Cok, chaplain, to the church of Siston in the diocese of Worcester.[1] In July 1339 Thomas de Hazelhawe, parson of Pokelchurch and others challenged the right of Peter Corbet to the advowson of Siston. The king ordered the sheriff of Gloucester to arrest the mainprisers of Thomas de Hazelhawe and the others if they lose the court case or fail to prosecute. But by October 1339 Thomas de Hazelhawe and others had successful brought an action in the county court against the king’s writ to the sheriff because of a legal technicality. Therefore Thomas and the others were allowed to name new mainprisers and proceed with the case without fear of imprisonment by the king’s officials.[2]

In May 1388 Geoffrey Chauncerell, parson of Siston exchanged the benefice with John Averey of the parish of Bromle in the diocese of Winchester.[3]

In November 1498 Roger Church visited the deanery of Hawkesbury on behalf of John Morton, Archbishop of Canterbury because there was no bishop of Worcester at that time. In the church of Great Sodbury he saw the parish clergy of the deanery which included Siston. The parish rector was Edward Geynard while Matthew Syllys was the chaplain. Richard and John Clerk were the churchwardens.[4]

People of thirteenth century Siston

On 27th February 1263 Adam de Greynvill was appointed to enquire by jurors of the county of Gloucester whether John le Cuhurde of Siston, deceased, died by his own hand or was killed by another.[5]

The inquisition post mortem into the lands of Robert Waleraund in 1273 was held at Siston. The jury assembled before Sir Robert de Kingeston, sub-escheator of the county, were possibly local people from in and around Siston. They included Adam Malet. Nicholas Joy, Roger de Hildesle, Hugh de Leytrinton, Richard Poyntel, John Woodcock, Reginald de la Leygrave, Geoffrey de Fraxino, Thomas de Doynton, William de Stone, Walter le Hope and John de Werneleye.[6]

On 25th January 1292 Richard de Siston was given licence to alienate in mortmain to the priory and convent of St. Oswald’s at Gloucester, a messuage in the town of Gloucester. Numerous other people were given licence to alienate to St. Oswald’s at the same time.[7]

From Berkeley to Waleraund to the Bishop of Bath & Wells

By 1273 Robert Waleraund held the manor of Siston from Henry de Berkeley, Lord of Dursley by the service of one knight’s fee.[8] Yet previously in 1218 Siston was given by Glastonbury to the Bishop of Bath and Wells who held claim until the dissolution. On 11th April 1268 the dean and chapter of Wells granted a wood in Pucklechurch, beside the park, to Robert Waleraund to be added to the park. This wood was formerly held by Robert de Siston from Bishop Walter of Wells.[9] An inquisition post mortem taken at Pucklechurch on 5th March 1362 found that Sir Peter Corbet of Siston held the manor of Siston from the Bishop of Bath and Wells.[10]

Siston parish church of St. Anne

Corbet of Siston

The first mention of the Corbet family of Siston comes from the affairs of their cousins. On 18th November 1341 a licence was granted for Walter, son of Walter de Gloucester to enfeoff John de Ingelby, chaplain, and Robert de Brugsreford of two parts of the manors of Alveston and Erdcote, with the hundred of Langele (Langtree) and view of frankpledge of Langele, and the reversion of a third part of the manors expectant on the demise of Eleanor, late the wife of Fulk le Fitz Waryn, tenant in dower, and for them to re-grant the same, all held in chief as is said, to him (Walter) and Petronilla his wife in tail, with remainder to Peter Corbet of Siston in fee.[11]

Alveston manor was located two miles south of Thornbury Station. The place means Aelfweald’s stone where a wolf-pit was located in about 955-9.[12] The manor of Alveston was held by Roger de Iveri in the Domesday Book of 1086.[13] The meaning but not the location of Erdcote was given by W. St. Clair Baddeley.[14]

On 10th July 1360 Walter, son of Walter de Gloucester, knight, died and was succeeded by his son John de Gloucester who was aged eleven years. An inquisition post mortem was held at Alveston on 12th October 1360. It found that the manors of Alveston and Erdcote along with the hundred of Langtree and the view of frankpledge were held jointly by Walter and his widow, Petronilla from the king in chief by knight’s service. This was the only property Walter had in Gloucestershire.

The third part of the property was formerly held by Eleanor, wife of the late Fulk Fitz Waryn but on her death this reverted to Walter and Petronilla. Walter de Gloucester had then granted the full property to John de Ingelby, chaplain, and Robert de Briggeford who re-granted to Walter and Petronilla and their heirs. If Walter and Petronilla had no heirs then the property would pass to Peter Corbet of Siston and his heirs.[15]

As Walter de Gloucester had a son by Petronilla there was no reversion to Peter Corbet. On Tuesday after All Saints 1361 Sir Peter Corbet of Siston died. An inquisition post mortem taken at Pucklechurch on 5th March 1362 found that Sir Peter only held the manor of Siston and no other property in Gloucestershire. The manor was held from the Bishop of Bath and Wells. Sir Peter’s son William Corbet was dead and thus Sir Peter was succeeded by his grandson, John Corbet who was ten years old.[16]

Because the heir was a minor, the escheator of Gloucester, Philip de Luttel, thought he had a right to seize the manor of Siston for the crown. But on 10th March 1362 Philip de Luttel was told to give up the manor and the income gathered as the manor was not held directly of the king but by others, namely the Bishop of Bath and Wells.[17]

On 24th September 1368 Peter son and heir of Walter de Gloucester, knight, died. A inquisition post mortem taken at Bristol on 14th January 1369 found that Peter de Gloucester held the manors of Alveston and Erdcote with the hundred of Langtree and the view of Frankpledge. The jury found that Peter de Gloucester left no heirs of his body and that there were no direct heirs of Walter and Petronilla de Gloucester. The property by reversion should go to John Corbet son of William Corbet and grandson of Sir Peter Corbet.[18]

On 14th February 1370 an exemplification was granted, at the request of John Corbet, kinsman and heir of Peter Corbet of Siston, of the letters patent, dated 18 November in the king's fifteenth year, in favour of the said Peter.[19]

On 12 September 1371 John son of William Corbet died. He was succeeded by his brother who was variously names as William and Peter and who was eighteen years old. Two sets of inquisitions post mortem were held into the property of John Corbet. The later one, held at Caus in Shropshire on 16th October, found that John had the hamlet of Hope in the lordship of Caus from Ralph, Earl of Stafford, by knight’s service. But the ground was hilly land within the Forest of Caus where deer had destroyed what was left untilled.[20]

The earlier inquisition was taken at Alveston in Gloucestershire on 23rd September. It found that John Corbet held two-thirds of the manors of Alveston and Erdcote from the king in chief by knight’s service. John Corbet also had two-thirds of the hundred of Langtree by the same terms.

At Siston, John Corbet held the manor from the Bishop of Bath and Wells by knight’s service. In August 1370 John gave Siston to Rev. Roger de Dene, chaplain, Ralph Waleys and William Hobekyn in fee. The conditions attached to the grant were that they could take o profit for their own use or retain it for themselves and their heirs. Instead, John’s bailiffs, who were there before the feoffment, should take the profits to their use as they did before. The feoffees should re-enfeoff John Corbet and his heirs on demand because the feoffment was made as security for £11 due to Roger de Dene.[21]

John Corbet had only given the manor in simple seisin and kept the living for his own use. John Corbet also gave the young pigeons from the dovecote and the fruits of the garden to the wife of William de Chiltenham. At the time of John’s death that feoffees still held the manor.[22]

Other people of fourteenth century Siston

On 17th February 1375 John Milner of Siston was pardoned for the death of Adam Milner of Belton. Roger de Kirketon and Henry Asty, justices appointed to deliver the goal of Lincoln castle advised that he killed him in self-defence.[23] 

On 1st December 1378 Thomas de Berkeley, Roger de Kirketon, Robert Tresilyan, David Hannemere and John Sergeaunt were made special assignees for the tenements of Alveston and Siston. The names of the parties involved in the dispute are not named.[24]

Siston in the fifteenth century

By the early years of the fifteenth century Siston manor had passed from the Corbet family to the Dennis family. Sir Peter Corbet of 1362 left a daughter, Margaret who would eventually become his co-heiress. She married Sir Gilbert Dennis.[25]

About 29th September 1408 Sir Gilbert Dennis celebrated the birth of a son. A short time after the boy was baptised as Maurice Dennis in the church of St. Ann at Siston. A number of locals and visitors were involved at the baptism. Richard Williams, butler to Sir Gilbert, carried a silver pot of wine to the church while John Thornton carried a torch and John Field carried a basin from Siston manor to the church. In Siston church, by the finely carved Norman font, John Blount, John Grevell and Elizabeth Reome acted as godparents to the young Maurice Dennis.[26]

On 5th March 1428 Sir John de Berkeley died. He held a great many properties in various counties across the west of England. At Chipping Sodbury on 24th April 1428 an inquiry was held into the Gloucestershire property of John de Berkeley. Among other places it found that de Berkeley held a toft (worth nothing) and 10 acres of arable land at Alveston, worth 8 pence per acre per annum from Gilbert Dennis by service unknown.[27]

After the death of Sir Gilbert Dennis two thirds of his property and lands of Siston, Alveston and Erdcote with the hundred of Langtree were given in custody to Edward Stradlyng by King Henry V.[28]

On 16th July 1431 a writ of etate probanda was issue to establish if Maurice Dennis was of age to inherit his father’s Gloucestershire property. At Tetbury on 22nd September 1431 the proof of age inquiry of Maurice Dennis was held in the presence of Edward Stradlyng, chevalier. The inquiry found that Maurice was twenty-two years old on the previous 29th September.

On 25th February 1450 a commission was given to James de Berkley, knight, William de Berkley, Westminster, knight, James de Berkley, esquire, Roger Kemys, Arthur de Clopton, esquire, Thomas Fitz Herry and John Kemys of Siston, esquire, appointing them to make inquisition in the county of Gloucestershire and the adjacent march of Wales touching the lands which have come into the king's hands by the death of Henry, duke of Warwick, tenant in chief, and by reason of the minority of Anne, his daughter and heir.[29]

After 1450 Siston experience the Wars of the Roses and the revolution of the Tudor monarchs but these stories are for another day.

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[1] Calendar of the Patent Rolls, Edward I, 1301-1307, p. 316
[2] Calendar of Close Rolls, Edward III, 1339-1341, p. 234
[3] Calendar of Patent Rolls, Richard II, 1385-1389, p. 441
[4] Christopher Harper Hill (ed.), The Register of John Morton Archbishop of Canterbury 1486-1500, volume II (Canterbury & York Society, 1991), no. 483
[5] Calendar of the Patent Rolls, Henry III, 1258-1266, p. 285
[6] Sidney J. Madge (ed.), Abstracts of inquisitions post mortem for Gloucestershire, part IV, 1236-1300 (British Record Society, 1903), p. 59
[7] Calendar of the Patent Rolls, Edward I, 1281-1292, p. 471
[8] Sidney J. Madge (ed.), Abstracts of inquisitions post mortem for Gloucestershire, part IV, 1236-1300 (British Record Society, 1903), pp. 28, 59; Charles S. Taylor, An analysis of the Domesday Survey of Gloucestershire, p. 269; C.R. Elrington (ed.), Abstracts of feet of fines relating to Gloucestershire 1199-1299, nos. 99, 115, 768. An associated manor of Cobberley was mentioned in the inquisition post mortem of Robert Waleraund. In 1086 Cobberley in Rapsgate hundred was held by Roger I de Berkeley. In 1221 Cobberley was held by Henry de Berkeley and later that year by Robert de Berkeley. In 1270 Giles de Berkeley held Cobberley. Giles de Berkeley was a brother of Nicholas de Berkeley who died about 1263. Giles de Berkeley was born about 1241. In 1273 Giles de Berkeley held Cobberley by one knight’s fee.
[9] J.A. Bennett (ed.), Report on the Manuscripts of Wells Cathedral (Historical Manuscripts Commission, 1885), p. 52
[10] Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XI, Edward III (Stationery Office, London, 1935),  no. 307
[11] Calendar of the Patent Rolls, Edward III, 1340-1343, p. 356
[12] W. St. Clair Baddeley, Place-names of Gloucestershire (Gloucester, 1913), p. 6
[13] Charles S. Taylor, An analysis of the Domesday Survey of Gloucestershire, p. 276
[14] W. St. Clair Baddeley, Place-names of Gloucestershire (Gloucester, 1913), p. 61
[15] Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume X, Edward III (Kraus reprint, 1973),  no. 597
[16] Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XI, Edward III (Stationery Office, London, 1935),  no. 307
[17] Calendar of Close Rolls, Edward III, 1360-1364, p. 320
[18] Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XII, Edward III (Kraus reprint, 1973),  no. 356
[19] Calendar of the Patent Rolls, Edward III, 1367-1370, p. 377
[20] Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XIII, Edward III (Kraus reprint, 1986),  no. 20
[21] Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XIII, Edward III (Kraus reprint, 1986),  no. 20
[22] Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XIII, Edward III (Kraus reprint, 1986),  no. 20
[23] Calendar of the Patent Rolls, Edward III, 1374-1377, p. 79
[24] Calendar of the Patent Rolls, Richard II, supplement volume, p. 48
[25] W.J. Robinson, West Country Churches (Bristol, 1915), Vol. III, p. 154
[26] Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXIII, 6-10 Henry VI, 1427-1432 (Boydell Press & National Archives, 2004),  no. 721
[27] Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXIII, 6-10 Henry VI, 1427-1432 (Boydell Press & National Archives, 2004),  no. 109
[28] Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXIII, 6-10 Henry VI, 1427-1432 (Boydell Press & National Archives, 2004),  no. 721
[29] Calendar of the Patent Rolls, Henry VI, 1446-1452, p. 377

Wednesday, January 3, 2018

Derry 12th century lime kiln

Derry 12th century lime kiln

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

It was a widely accepted view up until the mid-nineteenth century that before the twelfth century mortared stone construction was unknown in Ireland until people like George Petrie disproved the theory.[1] This view was mostly based on the life of St. Malachy by St. Bernard of Clairvaux in which Malachy is said to have replaced his wooden church at Bangor with a ‘stone oratory, the first built in that land’. But this first ‘stone church’ appears more to refer to the first built in the Romanesque style of construction as a stone church already existed at Bangor since at least 1065.[2] The work by George Petrie showed that mortared stone churches were built in Ireland since at least the eight century although the vast majority were built after 900.[3]

It should not come as a complete surprise therefore to observe that in 1163 a lime kiln was built by Flaithbertagh, son of the bishop Ua Brolchain and the community of Colum-cille for the repair to Derry church.[4] The fact that the kiln was built to help in the repair of the church at Derry would suggest that this was not the first lime kiln built in the area.

Making lime mortar in medieval times could be done by a simple wicker kiln or by a purposely built kiln.[5] The 1163 kiln was built in twenty days which suggest that it was no small structure. The kiln was said to be 60 feet ‘on every side’ while the Annals of the Four Masters say 70 feet square.[6] What kind of structure was this lime kiln? Was it similar to the 18th and 19th century lime kilns you see around the country? By the measurements given the structure appears to be not dissimilar to later lime kilns. It is likely that the kiln was 10 feet by 6 feet or so which gives the size of 60 to 70 foot square. One of the most important aspects of the kiln was its ability to get temperatures above 900 degrees Celsius for a considerable time so as to burn the limestone into quicklime.[7]   

19th lime kiln near Annestown, Co. Waterford

A few years ago the Centre for Archaeological Fieldwork at Queens University Belfast excavated a twelfth century lime kiln at Dundrum Castle. This kiln, which was oval in plan, had dimensions of 5.0m x 4.8m (about 16 feet x 16 feet). It was 5.1m deep and was built of stone bonded with clay. During the lifetime of the kiln the clay had become heat-damaged and was therefore quite fragile when excavated. The kiln had a flue at the base of the structure, to the south-east. After it went out of use the Dundrum kiln was deliberately back-filled and a coin found within the backfill was dated to the third quarter of the 13th century (Henry III).[8]

In 1164 the Derry lime kiln was no doubt put to use again to help build a tempull mór which was ninety feet long. In this construction the community at Derry was assisted by Muirchertach Ua Lochlainn, the high-king of Ireland.[9] Over the succeeding centuries many lime kilns were built in the Derry area and across the country. In 1462 a ferry near Lifford, Co. Donegal, was known as the Ferry of the Lime-kiln.[10]

The Derry lime kiln of 1163 was possibly not the first one built in Ireland but was of such local importance, and a marvel in their eyes, that it was recorded for posterity at a time when the dimensions of buildings were rarely given.[11] The existence of lime kilns in later centuries is assumed by the multiple number of mortared buildings across the country but few actual references to the lime kilns. The Derry lime kiln of 1163 is therefore not just of local importance but is of national importance.

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[1] Ó Carragáin, T., Churches in early medieval Ireland (New Haven, 2010), p. 2
[2] The Annals of the Four Masters, 1065
[3] Ó Carragáin, T., Churches in early medieval Ireland, pp. 3, 57
[4] The Annals of Ulster, 1163
[6] The Annals of Ulster, 1163, note 3
[8] Naomi of the Centre of Archaeological Fieldwork, QUB, in conversation with the author on 12th November 2013
[9] Ó Carragáin, T., Churches in early medieval Ireland, p. 63; The Annals of Ulster, 1164
[10] The Annals of Ulster, 1462
[11] Ó Carragáin, T., Churches in early medieval Ireland, p. 63

Monday, January 1, 2018

Indulgences in the 15th century Diocese of Exeter

Indulgences in the 15th century Diocese of Exeter

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

Indulgences in the medieval church have received a bad press over the centuries from the outcry’s of Martin Luther and Archbishop Cranmer.[1] But indulgences were not just for making money for church officials and building St. Peter’s in Rome or providing a source of income for Johannes Gutenberg to display his new printing press.[2] Instead indulgences provided a cleansing of the soul for the laity while providing money to engage in a whole series of activities that bound the parish and the community to the wider Christian world.[3]

The diocese of Exeter, like any other diocese in the Christian world, used indulgences to fund local building works, help ransom foreign captives and all important things like seeking good weather. On 31st July 1441 a mandate was issued on the authority of Archbishop Henry Chicle of Canterbury for litanies and processions to take place for the peace and prosperity of the Kingdom and for good weather every Wednesday and Friday in return for a grant of forty days indulgences.[4]

Nicholas Orme, emeritus professor of history at Exeter University, has previously written on the subject a few years ago, entitled, “Indulgences in the Diocese of Exeter, 1100-1536”, in Report and Transactions of the Devon Association for the Advancement of Science, Literature and Art, Vol. 120 (1988), pp. 15-32. This article gives but a sample of the kinds of projects funded by indulgences granted in the diocese of Exeter in the mid fifteenth century.

Funding parish churches and chapels

As an ecclesiastical system of funding projects indulgences provided a source of income for many parish churches to engage in building work which possibly could not be funded by local resources. On 12th June 1437 any visitors or contributors to the Chapel St. James in parish of Brodar were entitled to a grant of forty days indulgence.[5] On 23rd April 1438 a grant of indulgence was issued to all who contributed to the building, repair and restoration of the parish church of All Hallows on the Walls in Exeter.[6] In 1658 the Commonwealth government decided that All Hallows and eleven other churches in Exeter were surplus to requirements and the building was sold for £50 at auction.[7]

Meanwhile, on 19th August 1438 a grant of forty days indulgence was issued for the building, repairing and maintenance of the parochial chapel of St. Petrock near Dartmouth.[8] On 6th November 1438 a grant of forty days indulgence was made for the building, repairing and maintenance of the Chapel of St. Thomas the Martyr at Tiverton to continue at the Bishop’s pleasure.[9] It is not known how much was collected by way of these indulgences but the general repairs and maintenance bill for the parish church of Ashburton ranged from £4 7s 9d in 1482-3 to about £12 per year in 1516-7.[10]


Exeter Cathedral 

Sometimes people were expected to give more than just money to gain an indulgence. On 11th July 1437 a grant of indulgence was made to all parishioners and visitors to the Guild St. John the Baptist in the chapel of the Holy Trinity at Dartmouth. This chapel was newly built and visitors were not just expected to give money but were also asked to say the Lord’s Prayer with the Angelie Salutation along with making or celebrating mass.[11]

Indulgences were also issued to support confraternities within churches. On 16th June 1440 people were asked to contribute to the upkeep of the Confraternity of Minstrels of the Blessed St. Mary Magdalene at Launceston.[12] On 24th June 1449 people were asked to support the confraternity at the image of St. Mary Magdalene at a certain altar in the parish church of St. Crida in Cornwall.[13]

Some indulgences were used to encourage pilgrims to attend a church on the feast day of that church where a local market also provided extra outlets for people to part with their money. On 31st October 1450 visitors, penitent, contrite and confessed people were granted an indulgence of forty days for visiting the chapel of St. Laurence at Ayssheperton on the feast-day of St. Laurence and at other times who contributed to the fabric, lights etc., of the chapel.[14] On 4th November 1448 visitors to St. Gregory’s parish church at Dawlish, on the feast day, or other days, were asked to support the fabric, lights, etc., for as long as the Bishop’s pleasure.[15]

The indulgence system was often used to fund a belfry or the purchase of bells for a church or chapel. On 16th December 1437 a grant of forty days indulgence was issued to all parishioners of Bradninch who contributed to the building and repair of the Bradninch church belfry which was in need of rebuilding. This grant was to be effective for two years. On 11th February 1438-9 a grant of forty days indulgence was made for all contributors to the rebuilding of the belfry and bells of Little Torrington parish church which was destroyed by lighting. On 22nd June 1440 people were asked to contribute to the purchase and upkeep of new bells at the parish church of St. Welwele in Cornwall in return for forty days indulgence.[16]

In these local grants of indulgence given by the Bishop of Exeter the period of relaxation of penance was only forty days. A papal grant of indulgence could be considerably longer as in the grant of 140 days given in 1445 for visitors who contributed alms to the chapel of St. Mary the Virgin situated in the cemetery of the parish church of St. Michael, South Churyton, in the Diocese of Exeter on the feast of the Assumption.[17]

Occasionally parishioners in the Diocese of Exeter were asked by way of a grant of indulgences to contribute to churches outside the diocese. On 6th October 1448 parishioners were asked to support the building and repair of the parish church of Twyford in the Diocese of Norwich.[18]

Indulgences for the dead

On 17th May 1439 a grant of forty days indulgence was issued for all those who devoutly said the Lord’s Prayer and the Angelic Salutation for the soul of Lady Matilda Talbot, late prioress of Polslo Priory whose body was buried in the conventual church. People could also pray for all the faithfully departed at the same time.[19] Polslo Priory was located in the north-eastern part of Heavitree parish and was also called the Nunnery of St. Catherine. The priory was founded in about 1159 when the canons of Exeter Cathedral allowed the nuns of Polslo to bury at Polslo deceased members of their community, their priests and visitors but not any parishioners of Exeter church without permission. The priory was under the patronage of the bishop of Exeter and was surrendered in February 1538 by the last prioress, Eleanor Sydnam. The conventual church, where Matilda Talbot was buried, was destroyed in the reign of Charles II by the then owner, Sebastian Isaac, to make way for a mansion house.[20]

Funding hospitals

In a time when the government didn’t contribute much in the way of social protection, it was left to the mechanism of the church to organise the funding of hospitals and other places for the sick and marginalised. On 24th January 1437-8 a grant of forty days indulgence was made for the parishioners at Totnes and other truly penitent, confessed and contrite people who contributed to the maintenance of the poor Leper’s Hospital of St. Mary Magdalene at Totnes. On 23rd April 1440 a grant of indulgence was made for all contributors who supported the Hospital of St. Margret near Pylton for poor lepers.[21] On 2nd October 1440 a similar grant of forty days was made for all who contributed to the maintenance of the Hospital of St. Mary Magdalene for poor lepers at Tavistock.[22]

Funding roads

Another area where government would be expected to finance was the building and repair of the King’s highways but this was not always the case. On 1st November 1441 a grant of forty days indulgence was issued to anybody who gave money or personal labour for the rebuilding, repair and making good the King’s highway from Liskeard to the chapel of St. Mary at Parke.[23]

Funding bridges

Bridges in any age are important features in the landscape. They allowed the flow of goods and people over rivers and water and help bound a parish together. On 27th December 1439 a grant of forty days indulgence was made for all contributors to the bridge commonly called Greyton Bridge near Tamer in Cornwall. On 3rd March 1439-40 a grant of indulgence was issued for all contributors to the bridge at Aveton Giffard.[24] Later, on 12th May 1448 another grant of indulgence was given to contributors to the upkeep and repair of the bridge over the Exe River at the north end of Tuverton town.[25]

Yet contrary to what Martin Luther may have thought, indulgences were not always about money. People could give goods or services to full fill an indulgence. On 24th May 1437 Bishop Edmund Lacy issued a grant of indulgences for forty days to the parishioners of Barnstaple and others who gave goods and manual help for building, repairing and the maintenance of Barnstaple Bridge. The bridge at Bideford received a similar indulgence on the same date of 24th May. Both indulgences were to operate indefinitely at the Bishop’s pleasure.[26]

On 12th June 1437 grant of indulgence for forty days was made for all who contributed to Lostwithiel Bridge. It is not clear if this was just a financial contribution or by way of goods and services.[27] Lostwithiel was an ancient bridge by 1437 with a record of repairs in 1359.[28] On 12th July 1437 a grant of indulgence was made to anybody who gave money or personal labour for the repair of Havtesbridge.[29] On 28th April 1438 an indulgence of forty days was granted to those who contributed to the repair and upkeep of the new bridge called Hatherlegh Brigg.[30] By 1638 there were three bridges in Braunton parish including Hatherlegh Bridge but the parishioners were unable to support the three from their own resources and asked the Devon Assizes for outside contributions.[31] On 9th October 1438 a grant for forty days of indulgences was made for the repair of Teigngrace Bridge.[32]

In some cases people were expected to fund more than just the building or repair of a bridge in return for their indulgences. On 8th September 1438 people were asked to funds repairs to Otery Bridge of St. Mary and the chapel of the Saviour beside the bridge.[33] In 1637 local rate payers were still expected to contribute to the repairs of Otery Bridge without any remission for sins but a day in court if they refused to pay.[34]

But all these grants of indulgence given by the Bishop of Exeter were valued for forty days. In 1442 the supporters of Womberley Bridge in the diocese of Exeter got a papal indulgence for one hundred days. The bridge was broken down for many years previously and many people had perished crossing the water. The papal grant was to operate for three years.[35]

Funding ship quays

Bridges were not the only transport infrastructure that benefitted for indulgences. On 6th June 1437 a grant of indulgence for forty days was made to all the parishioners of St. Paul, and for any outsiders, who contributed to the building, repair and maintenance of a certain quay or jetty at Newlyn quay in the parish.[36] On 10th January 1349-40 a grant of forty days indulgence was made for all who contributed to the repairs of the quay on the shore at Trewew Blustry in the parish of St. Columb Minor in Cornwall.[37]

Conclusion

From this brief survey of the Diocese of Exeter in the mid fifteenth century, it can be seen that the system of indulgences, for remission of time spent in penance, was used to fund a varied of different projects, both ecclesiastical and secular. Of course the system could be opened to abuse like the excessive fees that Martin Luther objected to. He wasn’t against the indulgences themselves, certainly at the start of the Reformation, but only the way they were sold.[38] After the Reformation projects like bridges, roads, and hospitals still needed funds but by then people got no remission for their sins just a day in court if they didn’t pay up. In their time indulgences encouraged the people to give money to projects and causes which they may normally have not supported. It also funded projects in areas that didn’t have a rich support base and provided infrastructure where the government didn’t want to get involved.  

Bibliography

Brodeur, A.F., Indulgences and Solidarity in Late Medieval England (University of Toronto thesis, 2015)
Browne, Rev. C.G. & Reichel, Rev. O.J. (eds.), The register of Edmund Lacy, Bishop of Exeter (A.D. 1420-1455), Part 2 – the Registrum commune (Devon & Cornwall Record Society, 1915)
Cockburn, J.S. (ed.), Western Circuit Assize Orders 1629-1648: A Calendar (London, 1976)
Daniell, Rev. J.J. A compendium of the History and Geography of Cornwall (Truro, 1906)
Dunstan, G.R. (ed.), The register of Edmund Lacy, Bishop of Exeter, 1420-1455 Registrum Commune, Vol. III (Devon & Cornwall Record Society, New Series, Vol. 13, 1968)
Harding, Lt-Col. W., ‘An account of some of the ancient ecclesiastical edifices of Exeter’, in Transactions of the Exeter Diocesan Architectural Society, Vol. 4, Part 3 (1853), pp. 255-284
Twemlow, J.A. (ed.), Calendar of entries in the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. IX, A.D. 1431-1447 (London, 1912)

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[1] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fJITsWCua1M accessed on 30th December 2017
[3] Brodeur, A.F., Indulgences and Solidarity in Late Medieval England (University of Toronto thesis, 2015), pp. ii, iii
[4] Browne, Rev. C.G. & Reichel, Rev. O.J. (eds.), The register of Edmund Lacy, Bishop of Exeter (A.D. 1420-1455), Part 2 – the Registrum commune (Devon & Cornwall Record Society, 1915), p. 800
[5] Browne & Reichel (eds.), The register of Edmund Lacy, Part 2 – the Registrum commune, p. 670
[6] Dunstan, G.R. (ed.), The register of Edmund Lacy, Bishop of Exeter, 1420-1455 Registrum Commune, Vol. III (Devon & Cornwall Record Society, New Series, Vol. 13, 1968), p. 1
[7] Harding, Lt-Col. W., ‘An account of some of the ancient ecclesiastical edifices of Exeter’, in Transactions of the Exeter Diocesan Architectural Society, Vol. 4, Part 3 (1853), pp. 255-284, at p. 257
[8] Browne & Reichel (eds.), The register of Edmund Lacy, Part 2 – the Registrum commune, p. 709
[9] Browne & Reichel (eds.), The register of Edmund Lacy, Part 2 – the Registrum commune, p. 717
[10] Hanham, A. (ed.), Churchwarden’s accounts of Ashburton, 1479-1580 (Devon & Cornwall Record Society, New Series, Vol. 15, 1970), pp. 3, 55, 56
[11] Browne & Reichel (eds.), The register of Edmund Lacy, Part 2 – the Registrum commune, p. 679
[12] Browne & Reichel (eds.), The register of Edmund Lacy, Part 2 – the Registrum commune, p. 770
[13] Dunstan (ed.), The register of Edmund Lacy, Registrum Commune, Vol. III, p. 39
[14] Dunstan (ed.), The register of Edmund Lacy, Registrum Commune, Vol. III, p. 89
[15] Dunstan (ed.), The register of Edmund Lacy, Registrum Commune, Vol. III, p. 14
[16] Browne & Reichel (eds.), The register of Edmund Lacy, Part 2 – the Registrum commune, pp. 686, 725, 770
[17] Twemlow, J.A. (ed.), Calendar of entries in the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. IX, A.D. 1431-1447 (London, 1912), p. 490
[18] Dunstan (ed.), The register of Edmund Lacy, Registrum Commune, Vol. III, p. 13
[19] Browne & Reichel (eds.), The register of Edmund Lacy, Part 2 – the Registrum commune, p. 735
[20] Harding, Lt-Col. W., ‘An account of some ecclesiastical edifices of Exeter’, pp. 255-284, at pp. 274, 275
[21] Browne & Reichel (eds.), The register of Edmund Lacy, Part 2 – the Registrum commune, p. 768
[22] Browne & Reichel (eds.), The register of Edmund Lacy, Part 2 – the Registrum commune, pp. 688, 776
[23] Browne & Reichel (eds.), The register of Edmund Lacy, Part 2 – the Registrum commune, p. 808
[24] Browne & Reichel (eds.), The register of Edmund Lacy, Part 2 – the Registrum commune, pp. 751, 767
[25] Dunstan (ed.), The register of Edmund Lacy, Registrum Commune, Vol. III, p. 3
[26] Browne & Reichel (eds.), The register of Edmund Lacy, Part 2 – the Registrum commune, p. 668, accessed on 7th August 2014
[27] Browne & Reichel (eds.), The register of Edmund Lacy, Part 2 – the Registrum commune, p. 670
[28] Daniell, Rev. J.J. A compendium of the History and Geography of Cornwall (Truro, 1906), p. 256
[29] Browne & Reichel (eds.), The register of Edmund Lacy, Part 2 – the Registrum commune, p. 679
[30] Dunstan (ed.), The register of Edmund Lacy, Registrum Commune, Vol. III, p. 1
[31] Cockburn, J.S. (ed.), Western Circuit Assize Orders 1629-1648: A Calendar (London, 1976), no. 615 = the Assizes agreed to outside contributions if the parishioners paid their full share.
[32] Browne & Reichel (eds.), The register of Edmund Lacy, Part 2 – the Registrum commune, p. 715
[33] Browne & Reichel (eds.), The register of Edmund Lacy, Part 2 – the Registrum commune, p. 710
[34] Cockburn (ed.), Western Circuit Assize Orders 1629-1648: A Calendar, no. 521
[35] Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal Registers Great Britain & Ireland, Vol. IX, A.D. 1431-1447, p. 248
[36] Browne & Reichel (eds.), The register of Edmund Lacy, Part 2 – the Registrum commune, p. 670
[37] Browne & Reichel (eds.), The register of Edmund Lacy, Part 2 – the Registrum commune, p. 755
[38] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fJITsWCua1M accessed on 30th December 2017