Showing posts with label Leinster. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Leinster. Show all posts

Tuesday, April 21, 2015

The medieval exchequer at Carlow

The medieval exchequer at Carlow

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien


Introduction 

In medieval Ireland there was no fixed centre of government. No seat of government like a capital city which we would today think of as part of the furniture of a modern state. Instead the chief ministers and their civil servants travelled around the country conducting the various affairs of government. It was only the exchequer and the common bench which were normally located in Dublin, around the area of Dublin Castle. Yet even these were between 1361 and 1394 based in Carlow.[1] In this article we will record the history of the exchequer at Carlow and ask was this version of medieval decentralisation effective.

Yet decentralisation was not how officials in fourteen century Ireland saw the situation. Their idea of going to Carlow was to create a new capital. The choice of Carlow as the effective seat of government was made sometime before 1361. Dublin was the acknowledged seat of government since the early days of the Anglo-Norman invasion and many were happy to live and work there. The problem was the two areas of Leinster that remained under Irish control.

Land of Leinster

The Anglo-Normans had early in their invasion gained control of the much of Leinster. But two areas of the present day province stood out as Irish controlled districts: The Wicklow Mountains and the western fringes of Leinster bordering the Shannon. In the first area the Irish families of O’Bryne, O’Toole and MacMurrough, amongst others, were often attacked by the Anglo-Normans and the Irish were not too slow to return the visit. Yet still the newcomers failed to take control of the Mountains and Norman settlement seems to have stopped at the 600-foot level.

On the west side of Leinster, the newcomers initially made good settlements in modern Laois. Part of the area was included in Kildare and part in Kilkenny. Yet Irish families such as the O’More maintained a presence that grew as the English area declined from 1315. The further west into Offaly you went the less Anglo-Norman people you would find. Here families like O’Carroll, MacCochlan and O’Melaghlin kept up a real and ever present threat to the new order. Moving northwards into present day Westmeath and Longford other Irish families like McGeoghegan and O’Farrell came out from the declining Norman shadow as the fourteen century wore on. These Irish along the Shannon were aided and enbolded by a Connacht that from 1340 lost the little English identity that the Normans had earlier tried to impose.[2]

The location of Carlow was not just a convenient place from which to strike the Irish of the mountains or those along the Shannon but was a more natural place for the English to be. It was here along the Barrow River valley that the greatest colonisation of Anglo-Normans took place. Great towns like Kildare, Athy, Carlow, Kilkenny and New Ross grew up within its catchment area. This area from the motte of Ardscull, near Athy, to New Ross is known as the Carlow Corridor. One historian described the corridor as the cradle of the Anglo-Norman colony in Ireland.[3]

The exchequer moves to Carlow from Dublin

By September 30, 1361 Robert Holywood, one of the remembrancers of the exchequer, was already located in Carlow. He had with him a small armed force to defend the town and the exchequer offices within. A few days later, on October 19, the sheriff of Dublin was ordered to provide two strong carts to transport tables and other necessities to Carlow. Materials were also needed to rebuild the castle and provide further office accommodation for the exchequer.[4]

It was intended that during the Michaelmas term of 1363 that the common bench would relocate to Carlow. This decision was subsequently postponed as there were as yet no facilities to store the rolls in the town. Concerns were also expressed that the town was not a safe location for the bench as the Irish made frequent attacks. Further bad news came to postpone the transfer when the exchequer temporarily returned to Dublin.[5]

By 1364 the exchequer had returned to Carlow yet it was not a safe homecoming. The newly appointed treasurer, John de Troy, was given three men at arms and six arches for his protection. The patent roll said that this was for the duration of the war. Yet the same document freely admitted that ‘the place of the exchequer of Ireland at Karlak, being as it were on the frontier of the Irish rebels, there is no safe access to it by the king’s lieges’.[6]

Medieval exchequer at work 

Complaints and problems

Other exchequer officials complained about the scarcity of provisions and that the price of food was unreasonably high. During periods of high military activity like in 1306 and in 1362 the price of certain commodities like wine increased considerably. Lionel of Clarence had to introduce a maximum selling price for wine in 1362 at eight pence a gallon. Two years later in 1364 the government had to introduce an ordinance to regulate the price of corn, meal, peas, beans, salt and charcoal.[7] Despite these measures the cost of living in Carlow still generated complaints from exchequer officials. During the financial year 1364-1365 the government paid gifts and rewards to various ministers to compensate them for this high cost. This compensation was also to cover the loss incurred when Carlow was recently burnt and destroyed by the king’s enemies.[8]

In the following financial year further extra payments, amounting to £38 12s 6d were paid to fifteen exchequer officials. This equals to a 50% increase onto their normal annual fee and salary. Examples of such payments include John Hurst, chancellor of the exchequer, who got £1 13s 4d onto his annual fee of £3 6s 8d; Robert de Holywood, chief baron, got £10 onto his fee of £20 while Thomas de Quikeshull, chief engrosser, got an extra £5 onto his annual fee of £10.[9]

These wage increases did not solved the cost of living issues at Carlow. One could even say that the increases only encouraged local suppliers to increase their prices and so get the maximum amount of an official’s wages. In 1373 complaints were made that the sellers of bread, meat, beer, hay and wheat-straw were continuing to charge excessive prices. Female brewers were particularly singled out as leading the vanguard with high prices for poor product. It was said that these female brewers were selling weak beer at 1½d per gallon. Officials calculated that with the going price for oats and malt in the Carlow area it was possible to sell good beer for 1d per gallon. In response the barons of the exchequer issued an ordinance to set maximum selling prices for corn, poultry, eggs, hay and animal meat.[10]

This ordinance seems to have had limited effect or enforcement was not rigorous enough to effect change. In the financial returns for the year 1375-1376 we learn that life in Carlow was still a very costly affair. In response the government again increased wages. The wages of all exchequer officials with the exception of the treasurer were doubled after the move from Dublin to Carlow. This was because life in the marches was more expensive than if the exchequer stayed in Dublin. In the foregoing year, extra payments amounted to £77 18s 4d.[11] In the eight years to September 1384 a total of £865 12s 9½d was paid in extra wages to exchequer officials. This payment for the most part was to cover their stay at Carlow.[12] In the following eight months to April 1385 these extra payments amounted to £62 11s 1d.[13] The two years up to May 1388 saw £259 17s 6d paid in extra payments.[14] In the fifty months up to September 1393 £267 1s 8d was paid in extra payments to exchequer officials.[15]

Some of the report costs of the Carlow exchequer would have occurred even if the exchequer stayed in Dublin. For example in April 1385 there was included in the annual cost of parchment, wax and ink, a bill for new gates for the town of Carlow with new locks and other necessities.[16] The town may well have needed these new gates even if no government offices were within. If the exchequer stayed within Dublin such renewal and maintenance expenses would also have occurred.

Many years before, during the Bruce invasion of Ireland, Martin de Fyssacre was charge with five crossbowmen to defend the exchequer house because of a threat by Irish felons to burn the house. This charge cost £14 for the one year from April 30, 1316 to March 31, 1317.[17] During the War of Independence (1919-21) the Irish felons successfully burnt one the exchequer houses when they burnt the Custom House in Dublin.

Carlow Castle - home of the medieval exchequer

Difficulties of collect taxes

The more central location of Carlow in the English part of Ireland did not always help in the collection of taxes. In 1375 a jury swore that the citizens of Cork could not come to the exchequer without ‘a great posse of armed men’ because of various tribulations and ‘risks of the roads’.[18]

Many government and county officials gave various excuses over time, for not going to the exchequer at Carlow. In 1373 the new seneschal of Meath, James de la Hide, could not go to take his oath there because of the threat of imminent war in Meath. One of the barons of the exchequer, William de Karlell, had to go to Tristernagh to administer the oath.[19]

Some excuses for not going to Carlow did have some merit. In the spring of 1374 the sheriffs of Cork and Limerick said they could not come to the exchequer because of local wars and the dangerous roads. These excuses didn’t always have firm foundation. An inquiry by the exchequer found that no wars of consequence occurred in those counties and the bishop of Limerick was able to get to Carlow without too great a difficulty. Yet by May serious war gripped Limerick and Clare.[20]

Carlow in the land of war

During the 1370s the peaceful life around Carlow became threatened once again by the rebel Irish nations of MacMurrough and O’Byrne. In 1373 MacMurrough attacked Carlow and took the constable of its castle prisoner. Reinforcements were ordered by the council to Carlow while Robert de Assheton, chancellor of Ireland and justiciar made a parley with the Leinster Irish.[21] The treasurer, Master John Colton ordered that Roger Gabiard and 23 companions stand guard in a ward at Carlow from October to December 1373 to defend the town and the exchequer within. This cost amounted to £31 16s in wages at 6d per day.[22]

In those troubled times, payments to officials were delayed in processing while extra money had to be paid to exchequer officials at Carlow. During the financial term of 1372-1375, Master John Colton, treasurer of Ireland, was paid £100 to cover arrears in his annual pay of £40 plus extra money for his expenses while at Carlow. In the same financial term, a total of £245 11s 3½d was paid to ministers as an extra to their normal pay because they attended the Carlow exchequer.[23]

Other exchequer officials gave what was to them very costly support to the exchequer at Carlow. In the financial year 1375-1376 we learn that William, son of Simon Lawless, clerk, had supported the exchequer for the past seven years, both in vacations and when open for business. This support was providing six horse and foot soldiers to defend the exchequer and the wider population. During the recent attack on Carlow, William’s house and goods were burnt with the result that William couldn’t maintain himself or his men. The government granted him £6 13s 4d as compensation and as a reward for past services.[24]

Approaching the end days at Carlow

In November 1386 Arthur McMurrough was admitted to the king’s peace and the exchequer at Carlow could do their job without threat of war. McMurrough was to pay 20 marks per quarter while at peace. Some of this money arrived at the exchequer and when in October 1390 McMurrough again was admitted to the king’s peace some hopes of better times to come were raised. Yet no sooner was this done than life came crashing down again. By July 1391 a year of arrears was due and McMurrough broke the peace. In that year we are told that McMurrough and O’Kerwill planned a general conquest of County Carlow.[25]   

Cost of the exchequer staying in Dublin

Having observed the costs and extra costs of the exchequer at Carlow it is well to note that there were costs in having the exchequer in Dublin also. Despite the size and aura that surrounds the place and name of Dublin Castle, the exchequer did not meet in the facility. Instead it operated from buildings in the suburbs. During times of conflict bags carrying documents and coffers had to travel between the castle and the exchequer twice a day. In the Michaelmas and Hilary terms of 1317 this travel cost 11s 4d. In quieter times the bags were only carried at the beginning and end of each term at a cost of only 1s.[26]

Following the burning of the Dublin suburbs by the Scots in 1316 the exchequer started from Easter term 1317 to rent some houses in the city centre from Robert de Wyleby at £5 per annum.[27] Robert de Wyleby was an important person in medieval Dublin. He first appears as a citizen in 1282 and by 1311 was a witness and member of the commonalty.[28]

This situation continued for many years. Robert de Wyleby was paid rent from Easter 1317 to the start of 1331.[29] From Easter term 1331 Alice, the widow of Robert de Wyleby continued to receive the rent of £5 for the few houses.[30] The records show that Alice de Wyleby got £2 10s in the Easter term and another £2 10s in the Michaelmas term of each subsequent year from 1331 to 1339.[31]

The records between 1339 and 1346 do not record any rent paid for buildings used by the exchequer. In the period from Christmas 1346 to Easter 1347 Walter de Istelep was paid £2 for rent while from June 24, 1347 to Michaelmas 1347 John Taillour received £2 rent for the exchequer houses.[32] There after John Taillour got the rent. The amount of this rent varied through the years. In 1347-49 John Taillour got £6; in 1349-50 £5; in 1350-56 £24 (i.e. £4 per year); in 1356-57 £4; in 1356-58 £6 (still £4 per year); in 1358 £2; and in 1359-60 £4. With the exchequer move to Carlow the rent fell in 1360-61 to £2.[33]

When the exchequer went back temporarily to Dublin in 1363 John Taillour got the rent he previously received and arrears since Easter term 1361 which amounted to £8 in total. In 1364 the exchequer relocated to Carlow again and John Taillour received no money for renting houses to the exchequer.[34]  
   
The exchequer leaves Carlow

The exchequer stayed in Carlow until 1394. On October 2, 1394, King Richard II arrived at Waterford. Here he stayed for three weeks before moving northwards along the Carlow Corridor. On October 28 he attacked the MacMurrough in the woods around Leighlin and two days after the Irish of Leinster submitted.[35]

Richard summoned a parliament for Dublin on December 1. We have no account of its deliberations. Before the parliament met an executive decision had already been made to remove the exchequer and common bench from Carlow to Dublin.[36]

The exchequer stayed in Dublin for many of the succeeding years as the area under its effective control decreased. Sometimes it did venture out beyond the city walls. The financial accounts for 1444 to 1446 record that the exchequer held proceedings at Drogheda. It appears the exchequer stayed there for three days at a cost of £26 15s 9d. This cost did not include wages but rather referred to the material costs such as carting the books from Dublin and building facilities in the town along with pasturing five cows for the three days among other items.[37] 

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[1] Jocelyn Otway-Ruthven, A history of Medieval Ireland (Ernest Benn, London, 1980), p. 160
[2] Jocelyn Otway-Ruthven, A history of Medieval Ireland, pp. 286-7
[3] Linda Doran, ‘Lords of the river valleys: economic and military lordship in the Carlow Corridor, c.1200-1350: European model in an Irish context’, in Lordship in Medieval Ireland: Image and Reality, edited by Linda Doran and James Lyttleton (Four Courts Press, Dublin, 200), p. 99
[4] Jocelyn Otway-Ruthven, A history of Medieval Ireland, p. 287
[5] Jocelyn Otway-Ruthven, A history of Medieval Ireland, p. 287
[6] Calendar of Patent Rolls, Edward III, 1364-1367, p. 23; Jocelyn Otway-Ruthven, A history of Medieval Ireland, p. 287
[7] Philomena Connolly, ‘The Irish Memoranda Rolls: Some Unexplored Aspects’, in the Irish Economic and Social History Journal, vol. 3 (1976), p. 67
[8]Philomena Connolly (ed.), Irish Exchequer Payments (Irish Manuscripts Commission, Dublin, 1998), p. 516; Jocelyn Otway-Ruthven, A history of Medieval Ireland, p. 287
[9] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, p. 524
[10] Philomena Connolly, ‘The Irish Memoranda Rolls: Some Unexplored Aspects’, in the Irish Economic and Social History Journal, vol. 3 (1976), p. 67
[11] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, pp. 539-40
[12] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, p. 542
[13] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, p. 544
[14] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, p. 545
[15] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, p. 547
[16] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, p. 544
[17] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, p. 240
[18] Jocelyn Otway-Ruthven, A history of Medieval Ireland, p. 295
[19] Jocelyn Otway-Ruthven, A history of Medieval Ireland, p. 302; Elizabeth Dowse & Margaret Murphy, ‘Rotulus clauses de anno 48 Edward III – a reconstruction’, in Analecta Hibernica, no. 35 (1992), p. 118
[20] Jocelyn Otway-Ruthven, A history of Medieval Ireland, p. 303
[21] Jocelyn Otway-Ruthven, A history of Medieval Ireland, p. 302
[22] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, pp. 530, 539
[23] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, p. 532
[24] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, p. 537
[25] Charles McNeill (ed.), ‘Harris Collectanea’, in Analecta Hibernica, No. 6 (1934), p. 447
[26] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, pp. 242, 250
[27] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, p. 255
[28] John T. Gilbert (ed.), Calendar of Ancient Records of Dublin (19 vols. Dublin, Joseph Dollard, 1889-1944), vol. 1, pp. 106-7, 110-2
[29] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, pp. 259, 262, 268, 275, 278, 284, 286, 292, 300, 304, 312, 316, 323, 331-2
[30] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, p. 338
[31] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, pp. 338, 344, 348, 367, 372, 382, 388, 401, 612, 619
[32] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, p. 424
[33] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, pp. 389, 430, 439, 477, 490, 503, 508  
[34] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, pp. 510, 514
[35] Jocelyn Otway-Ruthven, A history of Medieval Ireland, p. 327
[36] Jocelyn Otway-Ruthven, A history of Medieval Ireland, p. 327
[37] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, p. 583

Monday, September 23, 2013

Thomas Fitz Anthony: thirteenth century Irish administrator

Thomas Fitz Anthony:

Thirteenth century Irish administrator

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

Introduction

In July 2015 the community of Villierstown, Co. Waterford will celebrated the 800 year anniversary of their local medieval manor of Dromana. The present owners of Dromana, the Villiers Stuart family, are descended from an early thirteenth century administrator, Thomas Fitz Anthony who was granted the land around Dromana in July 1215. This article gives a interim examination of his life.

First appearance of Thomas Fitz Anthony

Thomas Fitz Anthony first appears in the official historical records in February 1207 when he was sent with gold and silver from Ireland to King John in England.[1] His origins are, as yet, unknown and his name has not yet been found on any document prior to 1207. Fitz Anthony must have had some standing in the Irish colony by 1207 to be charged with bringing the king’s treasure out of the country. The other two persons bringing the treasure were Bartholomew de Camera and Walter de Abbetot.[2]

Bartholomew de Camera is elsewhere referred to as the king’s clerk and had custody of church lands in County Dublin. After delivering the king’s treasure Bartholomew de Camera was given land in County Cork which formerly belonged to Fulk de Cantilupe. Bartholomew de Camera continued to deliver further shipments of treasure in 1207 and in 1214 was made rector of Dungarvan Co. Waterford. In 1220 de Camera was a justice itinerant in Ireland.[3]

Walter de Abbetot appears less frequently in the records compared to Bartholomew de Camera. The treasure shipment in February 1207 is his first historical record. On 2nd July 1215 Walter de Abbetot was granted the serjeantry of Munster (covering the modern Counties of Limerick and Tipperary). Later he forfeited the serjeantry for an unknown reason. Walter de Abbetot was a nephew of Philip de Worcester.[4]

Ancestry and early years

As for the relations of Thomas Fitz Anthony we have no record. His name, Thomas son of Anthony, would suggest that his father was called Anthony. The Anthony name is very rare in medieval documents. Yet elsewhere a person called Thomas Fitz Anthony de St. Leger was witness to a grant of land in Fernegenel between 1215 and 1221 by Gerald de Rupe. This Gerald de Rupe was a son-in-law of our Thomas Fitz Anthony and thus the St. Leger family name seems reasonable.[5]

It is not known if Thomas Fitz Anthony was the first of his family to live in Ireland or if he succeeded his father. By around 1200 Thomas Fitz Anthony held lands in the lordship of Leinster (owned by William Marshal), mostly in the area of modern County Kilkenny and centred on the cantred of Ogenty. These lands were possibly acquired after 1192 when William Marshal took control of his wife’s Irish estates. C.A. Empey suggested that Thomas Fitz Anthony was among the household knights of William Marshal.[6] In 1210 we learn that Fitz Anthony held a wood between Newbridge and Kilkenny in the south of the county. King John stopped near the wood on his way from Waterford to Kilkenny.[7]

Thomastown, Co. Kilkenny

The town of Thomastown in the centre of Ogenty was named after Thomas Fitz Anthony. In Gaelic the town is known as Baile Mhic Anndain or the town of Fitz Anthony.[8] The town used to be called Grenagh when Thomas Fitz Anthony granted charters of liberties to the town. The later town of Thomas became an important economic centre for the south Kilkenny region. This was because it was situated at the head of the navigation on the River Nore. Thomastown was the port town for Kilkenny city, twelve miles further up the River Nore.[9] The descendants of Fitz Anthony held land around Thomastown into the fourteenth century.[10]

In addition to Thomastown, Thomas Fitz Anthony held further lands around Inistioge and Kilmacow from William Marshal.[11] In around 1206 Fitz Anthony founded the Augustinian priory of St. Columba at Inistioge. The priory of Kells in Ossory sent the first canons to the new priory.[12] After 1206 Thomas Fitz Anthony gave unspecified grants of property to Kells priory including the period when he was Seneschal of Leinster.[13]

Witness to early charters

Kells priory was founded by Geoffrey Fitz Robert around 1193 but Geoffrey had earlier in 1183 founded a small collegiate church on the site.[14] Thomas Fitz Anthony was witness along with Meiler Fitz Henry (later justiciar of Ireland) to an early charter to Kells priory by Fitz Robert.[15] Geoffrey Fitz Robert was Seneschal of Leinster between c.1204 and 1208.[16]

Between 1207 and 1213 Thomas Fitz Anthony was one of the witnesses to a grant by William Marshal of the land around Rathdowney to Adam de Hereford.[17] There is in the Ormond deeds a more interesting document that was also witnessed by Thomas Fitz Anthony. Edmund Curtis gave the document a date of around 1290. Many early medieval documents didn’t give a calendar date and their date has to be guest at by establishing the life dates of the people named in the document.

This suggested c.1290 was a grant by Robert Tysun to Ralph de Ely of land at Dunhod. Canon William Carrigan gave Dunhod as equating to Donaghmore in the parish of St. Patrick in the Barony of Shillelogher, County Kilkenny. The witnesses were Thomas Fitz Anthony, Walter Purcell, Hugh his son, Baldwin de Bethun, John Travers, William de Gernet, Gervase le Mercer and five others.[18] Baldwin de Bethun was count of Aumale in right of his wife and died in 1212. He held extensive lands in England and France but no recognised property in Ireland. His teenage daughter was married to William Marshal the younger.[19] The life dates of the other people mentioned have not been determined including that of Robert Tysun and Ralph de Ely but the document is certainly pre 1212 and possibly earlier.

Supporter of King John

In about 1212 Thomas Fitz Anthony signed a declaration of support by the magnates of Ireland for King John against the Archbishop of Canterbury.[20] In 1205 the Archbishop of Canterbury died and King John wished to have his friend, John de Gray, Bishop of Norwich, to be the new archbishop. The cathedral chapter at Canterbury reserved their right to elect and picked Reginald, the sub-prior. Both candidates appealed to Pope Innocent in Rome. The pope rejected both and consecrated Stephen Langton as archbishop. King John was incensed and refused Langton entry into England and seized the archbishop’s estates. In 1208 Pope Innocent placed England under interdict which stopped all ecclesiastical services except baptism for the young, confession and absolution for the dying. King John refused to give way and in November 1209 he was excommunicated by the pope. The situation contributed to the signing of Magna Carta in 1215 and the invasion of England by Prince Louis of France. The whole business was not settled until after the death of King John in October 1216.

Seneschal of Leinster

By 1215 Thomas Fitz Anthony was serving as seneschal of the lordship of Leinster.[21] The large lordship of Leinster covered the modern counties of Wexford, Kilkenny, Carlow, Kildare and Laois. This area covered much of the former kingdom of Leinster. Richard “Strongbow” de Clare had got this lordship from Dermot Mac Murrough via his daughter Eva. The Marshal family inherited the lordship via Richard’s only daughter. Thomas Fitz Anthony held the position of seneschal until at least 1223.[22]

Grant of Decies and Desmond

On 3rd July 1215 Thomas Fitz Anthony secured a hereditary grant of all the royal lands in the Counties of Waterford (except the city of Waterford) and Desmond (Cork) along with the custody of Waterford castle, Dungarvan castle and the castle and city of Cork and custody of the escheat lands in those places. The grant to Fitz Anthony was a reward for his support given to King John who was fighting rebel barons in England at the time. Fitz Anthony’s feudal lord, William Marshal was one of the chief commanders of the royalist army.

For this substantial grant Thomas Fitz Anthony was to pay a yearly rent to the crown of 250 marks (he paid an upfront fine of 100 marks in July 1215). In addition, Fitz Anthony was given the office of hereditary sheriff of both counties, the only such creation in Ireland. To increase his income Fitz Anthony also got half the prisage on wine in Waterford city where he was the constable. Thomas Fitz Anthony needed this and other revenues because the cost of defending and maintaining the castles across the two counties fell to him to pay for.[23]

The following day (4th July 1215) Thomas Fitz Anthony further advanced his position in society when he was given the custody of the lands and heirs of Thomas Fitz Maurice of Shanid for a fine of 600 marks payable within six years. Later in 1215 Thomas Fitz Anthony paid £400 for custody for the Fitz Maurice lands.[24]

Dromana House, Villierstown, Co. Waterford - home of the descendants of Thomas Fitz Anthony

Administration of Fitz Anthony

The administration of Thomas Fitz Anthony appears to have been a good one. Apart from maintaining and strengthening the area under Anglo-Norman rule Thomas Fitz Anthony expanded the area under Anglo-Norman rule further west along the Cork coast.[25] Yet there were some complaints about his conduct. In 1226 the Prior of Cork informed the king that Thomas Fitz Anthony had deprived the prior of a mill and 2 burgages in Cork which the prior had by gift of King John when he was Earl of Morton. The prior alleged that Fitz Anthony had exceeded his lease of County Cork by taking the prior’s property. King Henry III instructed the justiciar in August 1226 to investigate the matter and give judgement in the case.[26] The result of the case is unknown.

Yet other documents show that Fitz Anthony was trusted by the king and his advisers to administer the two counties. In April 1218 Thomas Fitz Anthony received a royal mandate not to permit the men of Waterford, or others, to impede Godfrey de Camville and other English barons from exporting wheat from their lands within the bailiwick of Fitz Anthony to their estates in England.[27] Later in July 1218 King Henry III desired that a wall be built around Cork city. Thomas Fitz Anthony was given the fee farm grant of Cork city for three years to help pay for the wall.[28]

During the time that Thomas Fitz Anthony held the Counties of Decies and Desmond; he was also seneschal of the vast lordship of Leinster. Fitz Anthony did not neglect his duties in Leinster. Around 1218 Fitz Anthony was among the witnesses to a grant of the church of Kilcormac to the priory of Inistioge by Stephen Archdeacon, his son-in-law.[29]

Conflict between the Diocese of Lismore and Waterford

In the summer of 1218 Thomas Fitz Anthony was dragged into the on-going battle between the Bishops of Lismore and Waterford. In August the Bishop of Waterford told the king that Fitz Anthony along with Geoffrey de Marisco, Justiciar of Ireland, and Griffin Fitz Griffith had unjustly seized the manors of Lismore, Ardmore, Ardfinnan and other property from the said bishop. But these manors were the property of the Bishop of Lismore. By such false accusation the Bishop of Waterford hoped to secure a royal grant of these properties contrary to the true situation. It is highly unlikely that Thomas Fitz Anthony seized any property without just cause. The Bishopric of Lismore was vacant at that time and Fitz Anthony had acquired the temporalities of the see as was the duty of royal officials during an episcopal vacancy.[30]

The bad feeling of the Bishop of Waterford towards Thomas Fitz Anthony carried the latter’s name into the unfavourable review of later historians. It is said in some accounts that Thomas Fitz Anthony resisted the further migration of English settlers into Ireland. When English barons tried to increase the number of English settlers on their Irish estates Fitz Anthony objected and resisted their efforts.[31] A possible source of this bad press is a mandate issued to Thomas Fitz Anthony in July 1219 not to impede the Bishop of Waterford from farming his land and receiving English settlers onto the properties. The Justiciar of Ireland was mandated to insure that Fitz Anthony be kept out of the bishop’s affairs.[32]

The Bishop of Waterford was at that time continuing the tradition of his predecessors in the campaign to take over the Bishopric and Diocese of Lismore. As Custos of County Waterford, Thomas Fitz Anthony was viewed from Waterford as an impediment to that acquisition. By hook or by crook the Bishop of Waterford hoped to give Fitz Anthony a bad name with the king and even caused his removal from office. By this means Bishop Robert of Waterford hoped to become the first bishop of the united Diocese of Waterford and Lismore. Bishop Robert was unsuccessful in his long term plan and it was not until 1363 that the two dioceses became united as the Diocese of Lismore and Waterford when Thomas le Reve, Bishop of Lismore, became first bishop. [See for further information on Thomas le Reve at http://celtic2realms-medievalnews.blogspot.ie/2013/05/thomas-le-reve-first-bishop-of-united.html]

Relations with the government of Henry III

On 17th July 1221 Thomas Fitz Anthony received a letter from Henry III that he was to be respondent to Henry, Archbishop of Dublin, as the new Justiciar of Ireland following the removal of Geoffrey de Marisco. Similar letters were sent to six Irish kings and seventeen Anglo-Norman lords. Geoffrey de Marisco had paid no revenues for the royal lands, rents and escheats of Ireland to the English exchequer since the days of King John.[33]

In January 1222 Thomas Fitz Anthony was granted the temporalities of the dioceses of Ardfert and Killaloe after their bishops had been deposed by the papal legate.[34] Another document from June 1222 suggests that Thomas Fitz Adam had received custody of the two dioceses.[35] Thomas Fitz Adam was a different person to Thomas Fitz Anthony even though their names are similar. In July 1222 Archbishop Henry of Dublin, Justiciar of Ireland, was instructed to restore the temporalities of the Diocese of Killaloe to John, Bishop of Killaloe once the latter had returned from Rome.[36] The Bishop of Ardfert was back in his diocese by May 1223 and possibly earlier than that date.[37]

Removal from Decies and Cork

Relations between Thomas Fitz Anthony and the regency council of King Henry III entered a cooler period in 1223. In June 1223 Thomas Fitz Anthony was ordered to appear at court to show by what charters he held the escheat lands in Counties Waterford and Desmond and within the city of Cork. It was suggested that Fitz Anthony was withholding money due to the crown. Fitz Anthony failed to show up and on 3rd June 1223 he was stripped of his lands in Ireland. These were given to John Marshal (died 1235), the marshal of Ireland.[38] At a later date the Counties of Decies and Desmond were given to Richard de Burgh.[39]

Many people in the Counties of Waterford and Desmond were sad to see Thomas Fitz Anthony leave office. A citizen of Waterford, William Sweetman, petitioned the king to exonerate Fitz Anthony from official misconduct.[40] During his administration Thomas Fitz Anthony had acquired enemies who sought opportunity to remove an efficient official. Thomas Fitz Adam wrote in 1219 on a different matter that London officials should ‘not believe all that is told you from Ireland’.[41]

No longer Seneschal of Leinster

It was possibly shortly thereafter that Thomas Fitz Anthony lost his job of Seneschal of Leinster. He was still seneschal in April 1223 when he witnessed a charter to the burgesses of Kilkenny by William Marshal the younger.[42] William Crassus was Seneschal of Leinster in 1224-1226.[43]

Partial restoration to Decies and Desmond

Sometime after June 1223 the rent of 250 marks from the Counties of Decies (Waterford) and Desmond (Cork) was assigned to Richard de Burgh for his maintenance. Thomas Fitz Anthony lodged an appeal and by May 1225 had recovered his lands in the province of Munster. After the restoration Thomas Fitz Anthony was instructed to continue to pay Richard de Burgh the 250 marks instead of paying the crown that amount. The manor of Chapel Izard, County Dublin, was granted to Richard de Burgh in May 1225 and the value of this manor was to be allowed in the payment of the 250 marks.[44]

But Richard de Burgh did not receive the full 250 marks. He complained that the land of Decies and Desmond was so alienated and severed by Fitz Anthony that it was insufficient to generate the full income due. On 6th August 1227 King Henry instructed the Justiciar of Ireland to take into the king’s hand and deliver to Richard de Burgh all the lands alienated by Fitz Anthony. It seems that as the years passed Thomas Fitz Anthony got slower at paying his debts. In 1232, after his death, the sheriff of Waterford reported that Thomas still owed £50 for the first aid of Henry III and he owed £120 for the custody of the heir of Thomas son of Maurice.[45]

Many of these alienated lands had been given to friends and relations of Thomas Fitz Anthony. John Devereux and William Walensis were two such recipients of alienated land. During the 1230s much of the land seized from Devereux and Walensis was restored to them.[46]

Death and family of Fitz Anthony

Thomas Fitz Anthony died sometime between 19th August 1226 and 27th April 1227. On 20th July 1229 Richard de Burgh was instructed to take the lands of Fitz Anthony into the king’s hand. Following consultation with Godfrey de Turville, Archbishop of Dublin and Richard Duket, de Burgh was to let out the land at the best rents possible.[47]

It appears that Thomas Fitz Anthony was twice married; firstly to a woman called Emma and secondly to a woman called Ilonda. It is not clear which woman had the five daughters left by Thomas Fitz Anthony at his death. Fitz Anthony’s only son, Hamo Fitz Thomas predeceased his father and died without children.[48]

The five daughters and their husbands were: Dionysia married to William de Canteloup; Helen married to Gerald de Rupe; Isabella married to Geoffrey de Norragh; Margery married to John Fitz Thomas Fitzgerald and Desiderata married to Stephen Archdeacon.[49] The estates of Thomas Fitz Anthony were divided among his five daughters. By 1260 much of the land of Thomas Fitz Anthony had come into the possession of his son-in-law, John Fitz Thomas Fitzgerald of Shanid (died 1261).[50]

It is hoped to write a future article about the heirs of Fitz Anthony and the property they received from their father.

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[1] David Beresford, ‘Fitz Anthony, Thomas’, in Dictionary of Irish Biography, edited by James McGuire & James Quinn (Cambridge University Press, 2009), Vol. 3, p. 813
[2] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of documents relating to Ireland, 1171 – 1307 (5 vols. reprint, Liechtenstein, Kraus-Thomson, 1974), vol. 1 (1171-1251), no. 321
[3] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of documents relating to Ireland, vol. 1 (1171-1251), nos. 320, 357, 518, 985
[4] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of documents relating to Ireland, vol. 1 (1171-1251), nos. 321, 570, 920, 3106
[5] Eric St. John Brooks, Knight’s fees in Counties Wexford, Carlow and Kilkenny, 13th-15th century (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1950), p. 46, note 6
[6] C.A. Empey, ‘County Kilkenny in the Anglo-Norman Period’, in Kilkenny History and Society, edited by William Nolan & Kevin Whelan (Geography Publications, Dublin, 1990), pp. 76-7
[7] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of documents relating to Ireland, vol. 1 (1171-1251), no. 410
[8] Marilyn Silverman, ‘Thomas Fitzanthony’s Borough: Medieval Thomastown in Irish History, 1171-1555’, In the Shadow of the Steeple, number 6 (1998), p. 66, note 8
[9] Marilyn Silverman, ‘Thomas Fitzanthony’s Borough: Medieval Thomastown in Irish History, 1171-1555’, In the Shadow of the Steeple, number 6 (1998), p. 53
[10] Marilyn Silverman, ‘Thomas Fitzanthony’s Borough: Medieval Thomastown in Irish History, 1171-1555’, In the Shadow of the Steeple, number 6 (1998), p. 56
[11] Marilyn Silverman, ‘Thomas Fitzanthony’s Borough: Medieval Thomastown in Irish History, 1171-1555’, In the Shadow of the Steeple, number 6 (1998), p. 50
[12] A. Gwynn & R.N. Hadcock, Medieval Religious Houses of Ireland (Irish Academic Press, Blackrock, 1988), pp. 179-180
[13] Newport B. White (ed.), Irish Monastic and Episcopal Deeds (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1936), pp. 303, 308
[14] A. Gwynn & R.N. Hadcock, Medieval Religious Houses of Ireland, p. 181
[15] Newport B. White (ed.), Irish Monastic and Episcopal Deeds (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1936), p. 310
[16] Eric St. John Brooks, Knight’s fees in Counties Wexford, Carlow and Kilkenny, 13th-15th century, p. 247
[17] Edmund Curtis (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds (6 vols. Stationery Office, Dublin, 1932), vol. 1 (1172-1350), no. 36
[18] Edmund Curtis (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, vol. 1 (1172-1350), no. 282
[20] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of documents relating to Ireland, vol. 1 (1171-1251), no. 448
[21] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of documents relating to Ireland, vol. 1 (1171-1251), no. 673
[22] Charles McNeill (ed.), Liber Primus Kilkenniensis (Dublin, 1931), pp. 10, 74 
[23] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of documents relating to Ireland, vol. 1 (1171-1251), nos. 576, 580
[24] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of documents relating to Ireland, vol. 1 (1171-1251), nos. 583, 673
[25] David Beresford, ‘Fitz Anthony, Thomas’, in Dictionary of Irish Biography, edited by James McGuire & James Quinn (Cambridge University Press, 2009), Vol. 3, p. 813
[26] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of documents relating to Ireland, vol. 1 (1171-1251), no. 1437
[27] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of documents relating to Ireland, vol. 1 (1171-1251), no. 827
[28] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of documents relating to Ireland, vol. 1 (1171-1251), no. 842
[29] Edmund Curtis (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, vol. 1 (1172-1350), no. 45
[30] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of documents relating to Ireland, vol. 1 (1171-1251), nos. 851, 856
[31] David Beresford, ‘Fitz Anthony, Thomas’, in Dictionary of Irish Biography, edited by James McGuire & James Quinn (Cambridge University Press, 2009), Vol. 3, p. 813
[32] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of documents relating to Ireland, vol. 1 (1171-1251), no. 886
[33] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of documents relating to Ireland, vol. 1 (1171-1251), no. 1001
[34] David Beresford, ‘Fitz Anthony, Thomas’, in Dictionary of Irish Biography, edited by James McGuire & James Quinn (Cambridge University Press, 2009), Vol. 3, p. 813
[35] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of documents relating to Ireland, vol. 1 (1171-1251), no. 1037
[36] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of documents relating to Ireland, vol. 1 (1171-1251), no. 1041
[37] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of documents relating to Ireland, vol. 1 (1171-1251), no. 1106
[38] David Beresford, ‘Fitz Anthony, Thomas’, in Dictionary of Irish Biography, edited by James McGuire & James Quinn (Cambridge University Press, 2009), Vol. 3, p. 813
[39] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of documents relating to Ireland, vol. 1 (1171-1251), no. 1543
[40] G.O. Sayles (ed.), Documents on the Affairs of Ireland before the King’s Council (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1979), No. 1
[41] Rev. Walter W. Shirley (ed.), Royal and other Historical Letters of the reign of Henry III (2 vols. Longman, Green, London, 1862), Vol. 1, No. 50
[42] Charles McNeill (ed.), Liber Primus Kilkenniensis (Dublin, 1931), pp. 10, 74 
[43] Edmund Curtis (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, vol. 1 (1172-1350), no. 52
[44] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of documents relating to Ireland, vol. 1 (1171-1251), nos. 1290, 1292
[45] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of documents relating to Ireland, vol. 1 (1171-1251), no. 1543; The thirty-fifth report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1903), p. 33
[46] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of documents relating to Ireland, vol. 1 (1171-1251), nos. 1678, 1852, 1947, 2055
[47] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of documents relating to Ireland, vol. 1 (1171-1251), no. 1714
[48] Eric St. John Brooks, Knight’s fees in Counties Wexford, Carlow and Kilkenny, 13th-15th century, p. 46
[49] Eric St. John Brooks, Knight’s fees in Counties Wexford, Carlow and Kilkenny, 13th-15th century, p. 48
[50] Gerald O’Carroll, The Earls of Desmond: the Rise and Fall of a Munster Lordship (Author, 2013), p. 2