Showing posts with label Ela. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Ela. Show all posts

Sunday, September 10, 2017

Lacock Abbey and remembering the dead

Lacock Abbey and remembering the dead

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

Today we erect headstones to mark the graves of our loved ones. In medieval times wealthy people erected abbeys and priors to remember their loved ones in stone while people of lower status donated plots of land to these religious houses or financial donations in their will. This article examines the documents of Lacock Abbey in Wiltshire to see how medieval people were remembered there.

Ela, Countess of Salisbury, remembers her husband and relatives

The house of Augustinian canonesses at Lacock was founded in the years 1229-30 by Ela, Countess of Salisbury as a place to remember her deceased relatives. Ela was the daughter and heiress of William FitzPatrick, Earl of Salisbury who died in 1196. In the same year, at the age of about five years, Ela was given by King Richard to his bastard brother, William de Longespee (natural son of King Henry I by Rosamond). William de Longespee served as sheriff of Wiltshire on numerous occasions and travelled extensively around Western Europe in the service of King Richard and King John. William de Longespee crossed to Ireland in 1210 with King John and stayed loyal to the king during the baronial war. In 1220 William de Longespee and Countess Ela laid the 4th and 5th stones at the founding of the new cathedral at New Sarum.[1] When he died in 1226 William de Longespee became the first person to be buried in the new cathedral.[2]

During her widowhood, Ela, Countess of Salisbury, had the desire to found monasteries to remember her deceased relatives and pray for her children. In the foundation charter [1229] the Countess gave the manor of Lacock along with the advowson of the local church to make there an abbey of nuns “for the souls of Earl William Longespee, her husband [deceased], and all his and her own predecessors, and her own health and that of William Longespee, her first-born son and all her other children and heirs, to Blessed Mary and St. Bernard”.[3]

Her third son, Stephen de Longespee was sometime Seneschal of Gascony and Justiciar of Ireland while her fourth son, Nicholas, was Bishop of Salisbury in 1291-97. Her eldest daughter, Isabel, married William de Vescy which family later inherited the Liberty of Kildare, while her second daughter, Ela, married Thomas, Earl of Warwick (1242) as her first husband and secondly to Sir Philip Basset.[4]

On 20th April 1230 the dean and chapter of Salisbury [in which diocese Lacock is situated] agreed that Ela may found and construct an abbey of nuns of the order of St. Augustine and dedicated to the Blessed Mary.[5] The new monastery was officially opened by Countess Ela in April 1232. On the same day she inaugurated two houses; Lacock in the morning and Hinton Charterhouse in the afternoon. In 1238 Ela, Countess of Salisbury, took the habit at Lacock after serving two terms as sheriff of Wiltshire. In 1240 she became abbess of Lacock. After seventeen years in charge Ela retired in 1257. She died in 1261 and was buried in the choir of the church. After the dissolution of the monasteries the church was destroyed but the cloister buildings remained standing. Today part of Ela’ tomb lies in the south walk of the cloister.[6]

Chapter house of Lacock Abbey

Constance de Lega remembers her parents

Shortly after the chapter of Salisbury granted permission for the founding of Lacock Abbey other important locals gave donations in return for prayers for their deceased relatives. In 1230 the widow, Constance de Lega, gave to Lacock all of her manor of Woodmancote in Gloucestershire for the souls of her father, William de Lega, and her mother, Mabel de la Mare.[7]


Amice, Countess of Devon, remembers her parents, husband and relatives

Another titled widow who gave donations to Lacock in exchange for prayers for deceased family members was Amice, Countess of Devon. Sometime between 1245 and 1265 she gave the manor of Shorwell, Isle of Wight, to Lacock in return for prayers for the soul of her father, Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Gloucester and his wife Isabel; for her late husband, Baldwin, Earl of Devon and their son Baldwin, Earl of Devon along with all her sons, brothers and sisters and all living and dead kinsfolk for which Amice was specially bound to pray for. This gift in free alms was confirmed about 1265 by her daughter Isabel, Countess of Aumale, and after 1263 Countess of Devon. Isabel’s husband, William de Forz, Earl of Aumale had died in 1260 and in the confirmation of her mother’s gift; Isabel added prayers for the soul of her parents, of her late husband and of her late brother, Baldwin, Earl of Devon. Isabel’s sister, Margery, had a sometime joined Lacock Abbey as a nun and in a later deed Isabel added her sister’s name in the list of prayers for the dead.[8]

Other widows

Other widows of more modest means also gave to Lacock in return for prays. Anastasia de Pavely gave a rent of 20 shillings in the manor of Westbury, Wiltshire, for her soul and that of her late husband, Roger de Baskerville. This gift was confirmed by her father Walter de Pavely.[9]
Another donor in her widowhood was Dame Catherine Lovel, sister of Philip Basset (second husband of Ela, Countess of Warwick). Sometime between 1257 and 1271 Catherine Lovel gave to Lacock Abbey all the land she had purchased in Westlecott for her own soul and that of her late husband, John Lovel.[10]

A man remembers his parents

In a separate charter, Walter de Pavely gave Lacock half a mark of rent he used to receive from William de Rugdun and Joan his wife. This half mark was to pay for a lamp to burn day and night in the abbey church and prayers for his soul and that of his father, mother and ancestors. Walter’s son, Reynold de Pavely confirmed his father’s gift and bound himself and his heirs to continue the payment to Lacock. Reynold’s confirmation said that the abbess’s messenger can take the money from Reynold’s bailiff at Westbury church before the third hour on Palm Sunday.[11] A few years later Joan de Osevilla gave Lacock a yearly rent of 40 shillings out of a tenement in the parish of Box for the soul of her late husband, William de Rugdun.[12]

Other male benfactors

Male benefactors also gave property to the new abbey. John de Rivers gave all his land and rent in Heddington in Wiltshire to Lacock. This grant was to support two chaplains for ever who would celebrate daily divine service for Peter’s soul and the souls of all his friends and benefactors.[13] Smaller gifts were also made to Lacock in return for prays. In 1242 Hugh de Burgoyne and Maud his wife gave the rent of 20 shillings which they had previously received for two virgates of land in the manor of Shrewton, Wiltshire. For this gift, Ela, abbess of Lacock, promised prayers for their souls forever in the abbey church.[14]

Rules for remembering the dead

It is not known if Lacock Abbey had rules to ensure that these prayers for the dead were performed. In 1298 the vicars at Wells Cathedral had rules governing their conduct including prayers for the dead. The rule said that “No vicar who has to say daily Mass for a year or half a year on behalf of the soul of some dead person must shirk this duty. For each failure a fine of a penny must be levied ... All those put in charge of these matters and those who keep the lists are bound, in virtue of their oath, to write down the defaulters every Saturday. Anyone convicted of deceit in this matter is to be punished in the severest manner”. The nature of the punishment is not stated.[15] It was important for a religious house, cathedral or parish church to be seen to offer prayers for the dead as the money collected for this act was an important source of income.

Disputes with the parish church over the dead

The local parish church at Lacock, which existed before the foundation of the abbey, was not to lose out of its privileges and financial income from the new abbey of nuns. On 3rd August 1229 Ela, Countess of Salisbury, made an agreement with John, the then rector of Lacock parish, to preserve the parish church privileges. The great and small tithes along with the right of burial were to belong to the parish church. The nuns of Lacock could take church sacraments wherever they wish but the chaplains who celebrated divine service in the abbey church were to swear fealty to the parish rector.[16]

By 1311 disputes between Lacock Abbey and the Bluet family, who owned part of Lacock manor, had arisen concerning the presentation of rectors to the parish church. Simon, Bishop of Salisbury, granted the parish church to the abbey in 1312 because many of the noble and powerful people who supported Lacock were deceased. Yet by October 1316 Lacock was still trying to get full control of the the parish church.[17] But the abbey was not to have free reign in the parish church. They were bounded to say mass daily for the souls of Sir John Bluet and his wife Margery and have four wax candles lighting each day at the four corners of John’s tomb. The Bluet family were also to have rights to nominate a nun to Lacock and in succeeding generations.[18]

Donations in wills to pay for prays

People often left money in their wills to their local religious house and parish church. This money was to support the fabric of the buildings and pray for the souls of the faithfully departed. Those with extra money to spend gave donations to religious houses in the wider geographical area and sometimes outside the county. In 1496 Thomas Chancellor of Bath asked to be buried in the cathedral church at Bath and gave donations to same. He also gave money to numerous religious houses, including Lacock, and parish churches. To Dame Isabel Chancellor, prioress of Lacock, he gave £5 to pray for his soul. It is possible that Isabel was a relation as her name appears among the family bequests of Thomas Chancellor.[19]

Conclusion

Thus at the convent of Augustinian nuns at Lacock there were various ways in which people could remember their dead. These included founding the abbey, giving land, or giving money by way of rental income or donations in a will. In return the nuns were to say prayers for the dead and the donator so that they would stay out of hell and get into heaven by the quickest possible route with the shortest time in purgatory.[20] This continued in Lacock, and at other religious houses throughout the country, until the sixteenth century Reformation of King Henry VIII and his children, Edward VI and Elizabeth ushered in a new form of Christianity.

Bibliography

Cokayne, G.E. (ed.), The Complete Peerage (Alan Sutton, Gloucester, 1987), Vol. XI
Elrington, C.R. (ed.), The Registers of Roger Martival, Bishop of Salisbury, 1315-1330; Volume II, The Register of Divers Letters (Canterbury and York Society, part CXXVIII, 1958-59 & 1959-60)
James, M.R., Abbeys (Great Western Railways, London, 1926)
Rogers, K.H. (ed.), Lacock Abbey Charters (Vol. XXXIV, Wiltshire Record Society, Devizes, 1979)
Watkin, Dom A. (ed.), Dean Cosyn and Wells Cathedral Miscellanea (Somerset Record Society, Vol. 56, 1941)
Weaver, Rev. F.W. (ed.), Somerset Medieval Wills, 1383-1500 (Somerset Record Society, Vol. 16, 1901)

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[1] Cokayne, G.E. (ed.), The Complete Peerage (Alan Sutton, Gloucester, 1987), Vol. XI, pp. 379-381   
[2] James, M.R., Abbeys (Great Western Railways, London, 1926), p. 141
[3] Rogers, K.H. (ed.), Lacock Abbey Charters (Vol. XXXIV, Wiltshire Record Society, Devizes, 1979), No. 1
[4] Cokayne (ed.), The Complete Peerage, Vol. XI, p. 382, note k
[5] Rogers (ed.), Lacock Abbey Charters, No. 4
[6] James, Abbeys, p. 141
[7] Rogers (ed.), Lacock Abbey Charters, No. 5
[8] Rogers (ed.), Lacock Abbey Charters, Nos. 449, 453, 455; Cokayne, The Complete Peerage (Alan Sutton, 1987), Vol. 4, pp. 319, 322-3. Amice, Countess of Devon also founded Buckland Abbey in Devon.
[9] Rogers (ed.), Lacock Abbey Charters, Nos. 366, 367
[10] Rogers (ed.), Lacock Abbey Charters, No. 309
[11] Rogers (ed.), Lacock Abbey Charters, Nos. 368, 369
[12] Rogers (ed.), Lacock Abbey Charters, No. 334
[13] Rogers (ed.), Lacock Abbey Charters, Nos. 241, 242
[14] Rogers (ed.), Lacock Abbey Charters, Nos. 256, 258
[15] Watkin, Dom A. (ed.), Dean Cosyn and Wells Cathedral Miscellanea (Somerset Record Society, Vol. 56, 1941), p. 13
[16] Rogers (ed.), Lacock Abbey Charters, No. 30
[17] Elrington, C.R. (ed.), The Registers of Roger Martival, Bishop of Salisbury, 1315-1330; Volume II, The Register of Divers Letters (Canterbury and York Society, part CXXVIII, 1958-59 & 1959-60), p. 95
[18] Rogers (ed.), Lacock Abbey Charters, Nos. 32, 33; Elrington (ed.), The Registers of Roger Martival, Bishop of Salisbury, 1315-1330; Volume II, p. 113 where John Bluet in his will gave his harvest produce to the rectors of Lacock and Bromham
[19] Weaver, Rev. F.W. (ed.), Somerset Medieval Wills, 1383-1500 (Somerset Record Society, Vol. 16, 1901), p. 344
[20] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PJX91lko7Jw accessed on 31st December 2013

Thursday, October 31, 2013

Nicholas Cusack, Bishop of Kildare 1279-1299

Nicholas Cusack, Bishop of Kildare 1279-1299

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien
   
    In April 1272, Simon of Kilkenny, Bishop of Kildare, died. During the long vacancy in the diocese following his death the canons of Kildare made two attempts to hold elections for a new bishop. We are told that two different people (Stephen, Dean of Kildare and William, Treasurer of Kildare) were chosen on each occasion but because proper procedures were not followed, both elections were declared invalid.[1] By February 1279/80 the canons held a third election in which Nicholas Cusack, a Franciscan friar was chosen. The two people that were formerly so called elected, acknowledged Nicholas as the new bishop as did the church in Rome.[2]

    The early history of Nicholas Cusack is uncertain. He could have been a member of the Cusack family that settled in the Barony of Skreen in County Meath.[3] It seems that Nicholas Cusack studied at Oxford in the 1260s. While there he was possibly one of the Irish signatories to the terms of peace between the Irish and Northern scholars at Oxford on 29th November 1267.[4]

St. Brigid's Cathedral at Kildare [from Kildare.ie]

    Before Nicholas could secure a letter from the king to confirm the election, he was called away to Rome by the Pope on some unstated business. So quickly had Nicholas left Ireland that he wrote to Edward I from Paris to accept the customary oath of fealty from his proctor, Hugh de Fraxiniis. Nicholas pledged to give the oath himself on his return. He also asked that the long withheld temporalities be restored to the diocese through Hugh.[5]

    The government had so long enjoyed the revenue from Kildare, and being displeased at a new bishop running off to Rome before giving fealty to the king, that it waited many months before jumping to Nicholas’s orders. On Christmas Eve 1280, King Edward wrote to the knights, free and other tenants of the diocese to accept the new bishop. Robert de Ufford, justiciary of Ireland, was to deliver the temporalities to Nicholas or his attorney on the production of this letter. Yet Nicholas did impress the king with his personality so much that a few days later Edward wrote to the treasurer of Ireland to allow Nicholas 100 marks from the government revenue.[6]

    The new bishop enjoyed England so much he was slow to leave it and he got letters of protection to stay there for three years in September 1281. His former proctor, Hugh de Fraxiniis was passed over as Irish attorney by Philip Shannon and John Fitz Adam. Nicholas wasn't the only Irish prelate to stay in England at this time as Stephen, Bishop of Waterford and Peter, Bishop of Connor, also had licence to remain there.[7] Of course Stephen was treasurer of Ireland at the time and so could have had government business in England. It’s hard to see what reason Nicholas had to be absent from Kildare.

    It is possible that his business there had to do with financial matters. In the Hilary term 1281-2 Nicholas received his 100 marks from the Irish treasury along with payments to many other people. Later in 1285 all these payments were disallowed in the chamberlains roll because proper procedure was not followed. Many years later, Stephen, Bishop of Waterford, and his treasury successor, Nicholas de Clere were charged with financial malpractice.[8] In May 1292, Nicholas was ordered to sell any ecclesiastical goods held by de Clere within the diocese of Kildare and remit the proceedings to the king to make good the arrears de Clere had built up. In Hilary 1300 the new bishop of Kildare remitted 40 shillings from the de Clere sales.[9]

    While he was in England, Nicholas stuck up a relationship with Ela, Countess of Warwick. On a visit to Oseney abbey in September 1282 Nicholas issued an indulgence to any who visited the abbey. While there, the pilgrim was to pray for the church and kingdom of England, before the altar of the Holy Trinity. At the same altar, further prayers were to be given for the good health of countess Ela, while she lived and for her soul after her death.[10]

    In November 1285 Nicholas paid half a mark for unjust detinue to the government via the Dublin county sheriff. A few days later Nicholas paid two and a half marks to the government, collected from four people for various breaches of the law. This money was paid via the Kildare liberty.[11] In February 1285/6 Nicholas paid another half mark for unjust detinue and paid one mark in April the following year, for the same offence.[12]

    Sometimes Nicholas was asked to help secure the release of prisoners. During the decade 1280-90 Nicholas was asked to assist in the case of Gerald Tyrell. This youth, from a noble family, fought in a battle with the Irish in which many of his comrades were killed and he lost a horse. Gerald, “grievously wounded” was taken prisoner by the Irish. They told Nicholas that they would exchange the youth for the son of an Irish noble, held in Dublin castle. Nicholas asked Robert, Bishop of Bath and Wells and chancellor of England, for his help.[13] We are not told the outcome but a successful result is likely.

    In 1291 the general chapter of the Franciscans was held in Cork to facilitate the visitation of the Minister General. The occasion resulted in such violence between the English and Irish friars that sixteen were killed. A few years previously, Nicholas wrote to Edward I warning about the seditious correspondence of certain friars with the Irish rulers.[14] He reported that these Irish were holding secret meetings at which they were assuring the Irish rulers that it was perfectly lawful under both human and divine law to fight for their native land and attack the colonisers with all their strength.[15] Bishop Nicholas further argued that filling vacancies in Irish houses with “sound, hand-picked English religious” who would be in charge of the house, would remove this security risk.[16]  

    At this time, Nicholas was involved in his own religious crusade in 1291/2 when he was appointed by the pope to collect the tenth of Ireland, with the bishop of Meath. This money was directed to aid the crusades in the Holy Land.[17] In that same year of 1291 Edward I wanted to tax the Irish Church to help pay the ransom of his cousin who was held by the King of Aragon. The prelates of Ireland, including Bishop Cusack, met on 13 May to discuss the matter and then proceeded to have many more meetings to continue the discussion so that Edward got very little because the bishops were too busy at meetings.[18]

    In June 1293 Nicholas travelled to England to stay a few weeks (which was later extended into the following year), and appointed Laurence of Athy and Geoffrey Bremel as his Irish attorneys. His business may have been connected with the late dispute between William de Vescy and the Abbot of St. Thomas the Martyr, Dublin relating to the advowson of St. Moling church in the diocese. Yet it is more probable that the 40 marks Nicholas owed to John de Drokenesford made the journey more immediate.[19]

    We can safely say that Nicholas’s extended visit to England had much to do with his disputes with William de Vescy. In December 1293 the king had a detailed report sent to the Dublin government recounting the many complaints the king had received relating to the time when William de Vescy was both justiciar of Ireland and lord of Kildare. Nicholas was one of these complainants. He said that when de Vescy arrived in Ireland as justiciar, he sent the bishop a letter of prohibition in the name of the lord of Kildare and not as justiciar, which restricted the bishop’s rights to legal appeal. Nicholas further said that he received a similar letter even before de Vescy came to Ireland. The bishop made it clear that, as he held the bishopric and the diocese directly from the king that he should not be subject to any restrictions by a liberty lord. De Vescy didn't deny he sent the first letter; only the second.

    Another issue of complaint was that de Vescy had exceeded his authority as lord of the liberty by prosecuting tenants of the bishop. A jury found that the liberty seneschal, Thomas Darcy, had fined Osbert the baker, a tenant of the bishop, 40 shillings for using incorrect measurements and that this money was later used by the sheriff of Kildare for his own use. Darcy did not deny entering church land to fine Osbert but that he did so as seneschal of the justiciary and not of the liberty. This denial got Darcy in to further trouble as the 40s was not paid into the Exchequer and so the case went on to a further court where on the past experience of such matters, Bishop Cusack was successful.

    Yet on the third complaint, Nicholas was not successful. In this matter, he complained that Master Adam of Clane was prosecuted for incorrect measures at the liberty court. The jury found that Nicholas was incorrect in this complaint. They found that Master Adam was a tenant of the liberty and had brought some tenants of same before the ecclesiastical court on issues no connected with wills or marriage. Thomas Darcy fined Master Adam 100 shillings for the breach of judicial procedure and that jury found that Thomas was correct to do so.[20] 

    In April 1296 Nicholas was fined 53 shillings 4 pence for not coming to Dublin when summoned to do so.[21] The circumstances of this fine are not known. It is possible that Bishop Nicholas was in declining health. On 19 September 1299 the dean and chapter of Kildare informed the king of the recent death of Nicholas Cusack and on 20 October got licence to elect a new bishop.[22]

The Cathedral Church at Kildare [from Wikipedia.com]

    Shortly after the new bishop (Walter Calf) took over he had to petition the king for payment of the rent for Kildare castle. The castle had, long ago, been built on church land but without adequate compensation. In making peace, William Marshal the younger gave Bishop Ralph de Bristol (Bishop of Kildare 1223 to 1232) ten marks per year rent out of the burgess tenements in Kildare town.[23] Nicholas Cusack had successfully reintroduced the rent from William de Vescy, yet getting the payment was another matter. An inquisition in January 1297-8 found that after de Vescy left Ireland, his officials withheld ten marks in rent due to the bishop for two years. Thus when in January 1296-7 de Vescy gave the liberty to the king, the rent was still due to Bishop Cusack.[24] If Nicholas and his successor had hopes of early settlement, they were to be disappointed. It would be another twenty years before the king paid £25 in part payment of £126 that was owed from April 1297 to June 1316.[25]

     At may be possible at a future date to expand the biography of Bishop Nicholas Cusack but for the present his life story rests just as he was laid to rest in the cathedral church at Kildare.[26]

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[1] W.H. Bliss, Calendar of Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland, vol. 1, 1198-1304 (H.M.S.O., London, 1893), pp. 460, 462
[2] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of documents relating to Ireland, 1171 – 1307 (5 vols. reprint, Liechtenstein, Kraus-Thomson, 1974) [hereafter referred to as Cal. doc. Ire.], vol. II (1252-1284), no. 1643
[3] Arlene Hogan, The Priory of Llanthony Prima and Secunda in Ireland, 1172-1541 (Four Courts Press, Dublin, 2008), p. 52
[4] A.B. Emden, A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to A.D. 1500 (3 vols. Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1989), Vol. 1, p. 530
[5] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Cal. doc. Ire., vol. II (1252-1284), no. 1643
[6] Sweetman, Cal. doc. Ire., vol. II (1252-1284), nos. 1772, 1773
[7] Sweetman, Cal. doc. Ire., vol. II (1252-1284), nos. 1806, 1853
[8] Sweetman, Cal. doc. Ire., vol. II (1252-1284), no. 1982; vol III (1285-1292), p. 70; Philomena Connolly (ed.), Irish Exchequer Payments 1270-1446 (Dublin, 1998), pp. ix, 70
[9] Sweetman, Cal. doc. Ire., vol. III (1285-1292), no. 1098; ibid, vol. IV (1293-1301), no. 704
[10] Rev. H.E. Salter (ed.), Cartulary of Oseney Abbey (Oxford Historical Society, 1931), vol. III, p. 24
[11] Sweetman, Cal. doc. Ire., vol. III (1285-1292), pp. 57, 59
[12] Sweetman, Cal. doc. Ire., vol. III (1285-1292), pp. 86, 138
[13] Sweetman, Cal. doc. Ire., vol. III (1285-1292), no. 828
[14] A.J. Otway-Ruthven, A history of Medieval Ireland (London, 1980), p. 138 quoting from E.B. Fitzmaurice and A.G. Little, Materials for the History of the Franciscan Province of Ireland, pp. 52-3, 63-4
[15] J.A. Watt, ‘Gaelic polity and cultural identity’, in A new history of Ireland, volume II: medieval Ireland 1169-1534, edited by Art Cosgrove (Oxford University Press, 1993), p. 346
[16] J.A. Watt, The Church and two nations in medieval Ireland (Cambridge, 1970), pp. 181-2
[17] Sweetman, Cal. doc. Ire., vol. III (1285-1292), no. 1055
[18] J.A. Watt, The Church and two nations in medieval Ireland, pp. 117-8
[19] Sweetman, Cal. doc. Ire., vol. IV (1293-1301), nos. 20, 26, 31, 61
[20] Sweetman, Cal. doc. Ire., vol. IV (1293-1301), pp. 55-6
[21] Sweetman, Cal. doc. Ire., vol. IV (1293-1301), p. 132
[22] Sweetman, Cal. doc. Ire., vol. IV (1293-1301), nos. 657, 666
[23] Goddard H. Orpen, Ireland under the Normans (Dublin, 2005 reprint), vol III, p. 99
[24] Sweetman, Cal. doc. Ire., vol. IV (1293-1301), nos. 365, 481
[25] G.O. Sayles (ed.), Documents on the Affairs of Ireland before the King’s Council (Dublin, 1979), no. 71; Philomena Connolly (ed.), Irish Exchequer Payments, p. 273
[26] A.B. Emden, A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to A.D. 1500, Vol. 1, p. 530