Value of medieval Irish bishoprics

Value of medieval Irish bishoprics  

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

The medieval bishop was a great land owner as much as a great spiritual leader. These bishops had landed estates and house property across their dioceses where they collected rent and sold farm produce. The property of the bishop was known as the temporalities and this article sets out to discover the value of these temporalities. 

Introduction

When a vacancy occurred in a bishopric, by death, resignation or transfer to another diocese, the chapter had to inform the King and obtain a licence to elect a new bishop. During the vacancy the King would take custody of the temporalities until a new bishop was elected.[1] Sometimes the King would delay issuing a licence and so retain the temporalities in the King’s hand. After his election, the bishop-elect must obtain royal approval and take an oath of fealty before recovering the temporalities from the escheator.[2] In the battle between the King and the Pope for control of the medieval church, the new bishop-elect often had to renounce the papal grant of the temporalities and assert that he only wish to have these by gift of the King. Examples of such renunciation occur with the Archbishop of Armagh in 1312, 1323 and 1383; the Archbishop of Dublin in 1379; the Bishop of Meath in 1380 and 1401; and the Bishop of Achonry in 1374.[3]  

Yet the influence and power of the English King never extended across the whole of Ireland. For most of the medieval period that power only covered the Archdioceses of Cashel and Dublin with the diocese of Meath in the province of Armagh.[4] In a study of the value of Irish medieval bishoprics, the student is restricted on the amount of information available because the King’s writ did not extend across the whole country and so the surviving documents have a restricted geographical reach.

A further restriction occurs even within this area of English influence. The escheator, who managed the temporalities while in the King’s hand, in many cases did not gain full control of the temporalities.[5] This, along with gaps in the Pipe Rolls and the absence of manuscripts composed by each bishop as to the size and value of their property, makes the results printed below incomplete and possibly will never be fully completed. Yet further research and study of each individual bishopric is possible and could reveal interesting information.

Achonry bishopric

The bishopric of Achonry was in the King’s hand from 19^th March 1312 due to the death of Benedict Obragan, late bishop, until 1^st August 1312 when they were delivered to David de Kytheny, bishop-elect. In that time, the escheator collected £4 8s 2d in rent receipts from the demesne lands on the manors of Athecony, Killnfyni, Kilmctaig, Killydan and Sleftyng in Connacht. From this amount the escheator had to deduct 15d because the gale day of Nicholas Ogallan and Thomas McCauul did not fall within the period of account. Other sources of revenue generated £16 2s 4d of income.[6]

Paul MacCotter recently published a study on the Diocese of Achonry, entitled 'Diocese of Achonry: church, land and history', in Peritia: Journal of the Medieval Academy of Ireland, Volume 24-25, 2013-4 (Medieval Academy of Ireland, 2013-4), pages 241-265.

See the article online at = https://www.academia.edu/21545183/Diocese_of_Achonry_Church_Land_and_History 

Annaghdown bishopric

In 1252, following representation by the Archbishop of Tuam, King Henry III granted that the church of Annaghdown be reduced to a parish church and its lands and rents assigned to the Archbishop of Tuam.[7]

After the death of Thomas Omayl, late Bishop of Annaghdown, the temporalities were taken into the King’s hand. From the feast of the nativity of St. John the Baptist 1330 until 5^th March 1335 the receipts of the rents and issues amounted to £37 7s. After that time no income was received by the escheator due to the war between the English and the Irish and no official would venture into the diocese.[8]

For more on the Diocese of Annaghdown see = http://celtic2realms-medievalnews.blogspot.ie/2014/05/annaghdown-diocese-and-battle-with.html

Ardagh bishopric

In about 1317 the escheator collected £5 in rent of a carucate of land at Taghmoun belonging to the Bishopric of Ardagh and a plot of land at Rathescope, Co. Meath. These were in the King’s hands on the death of Matthew, the late bishop. The escheator got nothing for the other lands of the bishopric because they were situated among the Irish and no Englishman would dare go there.[9]

In the period 2^nd December 1331 until 5^th March 1335 the escheator collected £7 10s from the rent and issues of a carucate of land at Taghmon in Co. Westmeath and a small portion of land at Rathescop in Co. Meth. This property was part of the temporalities of Ardagh held by the King since the death of Matthew, late Bishop of Ardagh. The yearly income from the land was £2 10s.[10]

Ardfert bishopric

In the papal taxation of 1302-6 the revenues of the Bishop of Ardfert were worth £49 13s 4d. This amount was divided into the procurations (£10), the jurisdiction of the Bishop (£7 13s 4d) and the revenue of the Bishop (£32).[11]

In the period 2^nd December 1331 to 5^th March 1335 the escheator collected £2 in receipts from 40 acres of land at Kilcomyn, Co. Kerry, which was in the King’s hand because Nicholas, Bishop of Ardfert, had alienated the property to Alexander son of Richard without obtaining a royal licence. 13s 4d was the yearly income.[12]

From 4^th to 28^th May 1336 the escheator accounted for 10d from the courts and extern hundreds of the manors of Ardfert, Rathodony and Killayne. These manors were part of the temporalities of Ardfert which were in the King’s hands since the death of Nicholas, late Bishop of Ardfert, until delivered to Maurice Fitzthomas, Earl of Desmond.[13]

Armagh Archbishopric

The seven registers of the Archbishops of Armagh provided a rich and varied source of material relating to the Archbishop and the archdiocese. The registers contain such information as appointment to parishes, matrimonial issues, letters from Rome and the Dublin government and results of the archiepiscopal courts. Some of the entries in these registers relate to deeds of property and rentals. To date four of the registers have been published = W.G.H. Quigley & E.F.D. Roberts (eds.), Registrum Johannis Mey: the register of John Mey, archbishop of Armagh, 1443-1456 (H.M.S.O. Belfast, 1972); Brendan Smith (ed.), The register of Milo Sweteman, archbishop of Armagh, 1361-80 (I.M.C. Dublin, 1996); Mario Alberto Sughi (ed.), Registrum Octaviani alias Liber Niger: the register of Octavian de Palatio, archbishop of Armagh, 1478-1513 (I.M.C. Dublin, 2000) and Brendan Smith (ed.), The register of Nicholas Fleming, archbishop of Armagh, 1404-1416 (I.M.C. Dublin, 2003).[14]

In August 1207 Benedict the monk and Brother Gerald of Mellifont came to King John with 300 marks of silver and 3 marks of gold on behalf of the Archbishop of Armagh. This payment was to allow the Archbishop to have all the lands and liberties belonging to the see before the time of Hamo de Valoignes, former justiciar of Ireland. King John commanded the justiciar to establish title to these lands with discretion as to the King’s advantage.[15]

On the death of Patrick, Archbishop of Armagh, the temporalities were taken into the King’s hand and set to farm from the feast of St. Martin until delivered to Nicholas, Archbishop-elect, on the vigil of SS Simon and Jude 1272. £93 7s 10¾d was raised in that time from the demesne lands of Termonfeckin and the lands of Kilmon and other places. During that time the escheator appointed bailiffs to the archbishopric manors of Termonfeckin, Armagh and Kilmon.[16]

In the 1270s the Archbishop of Armagh, Nicholas Mac Maol Iosa tried to claim that he had special provision to have control of the temporalities of is suffragan bishoprics during a vacancy. In 1279 the Government adjudged that the Archbishop had no such special rights. The government did for a time gain control of the temporalities of Derry but the Dioceses of Clogher, Dromore, Kilmore and Raphoe were beyond its reach.[17]

On the death of Nicholas, Archbishop of Armagh, the temporalities were taken into the King’s hands from the feast of St. Peter ad Vincula (1^st August) 1307 until 3^rd November 1307 when they were delivered to Walter Jorz, archbishop-elect. In that time £268 18s 1¼d was gathered in receipts. This income came from the £103 13s ¾d of rents from the demesnes and meadows on the manors of Termonfeckin, Drumeskin, Nerny, Ruschat, Kilmore, Nobber and Newtown.[18]

From Tuesday after octave of St. Hilary 1308 to the morrow of St. Hilary 1310 the escheator accounted for £8 16s 3½d in rent from two parts of Dromeskyn which John Moure held of the Archbishop of Armagh. This income was received by the escheator as due from a custody within a custody as the Archbishopric was vacant. In the period from 12^th September to 14^th November 1310 the escheator collected £2 4s 1d for the rent of two parts of the lands of John Moure when such lands were delivered to his son and heir, John Moure junior.[19] Between 14^th May 1317 and the Monday after the feast of St. Lawrence the escheator collected 8s 8¼d from the Moure estate when the property was given to the Archbishop of Dublin to settle a bill of 200 marks. The King could do that because the Archbishopric of Armagh was in the King’s hand at the time.[20]

Also at Drumeskin, from Tuesday after octave of St. Hilary 1308 to the morrow of St. Hilary 1310, the escheator collected £2 0s 6d from the rents and premises of William Hendi. From 12^th September to 7^th December 1310 the escheator collected 10s 1½d from the Hendi messuage and land.[21] By 22^nd July 1318 the Hendi property was delivered to Henry son of William Hendi.[22]

At the same time the escheator collected 5s 8¼d from the estate of John Purchaz at Termonfeckin as due from a custody within a custody and £1 1s 8d from the estate of Walter de la More at the same place for the same reason. A further 4s 4d was collected from the More estate in the period from 12^th September to 7^th December 1310.[23]

In the two years ending on 8^th December 1312 the land of William Hendy at Drumeskin earned revenues of £2 0s 6d for the escheator. In the same time the lands of Walter de la More at Termonfeckin brought in 17s 4d.[24]

The temporalities of the archbishopric of Armagh came into the King’s hand from 16^th November 1311 on the resignation of Walter Jorz as Archbishop. They were held by the crown until 20^th December 1312 when they were delivered to Roland Jorz, archbishop-elect. In that time £66 8s 5½d was gathered in rent receipts from the demesne lands, meadows, etc., on the manors of Termonfeckin, Dromeskin, Insken, Nobber, Kilmore, Nerny and Ruscauth. Oher sources of income brought in £132 16s 9d of receipts.[25]

For more on Walter Jorz, Archbishop of Armagh see = http://celtic2realms-medievalnews.blogspot.ie/2014/07/walter-jorz-archbishop-of-armagh.html

In the two years up to 8^th December 1312 the escheator collected a number of receipts from land formerly part of the archbishopric of Armagh but which was aliened by Archbishop Nicholas without the King’s licence. At Mayn in Uriel the escheator got £6 for the rent of one carucate of land; at Monsterrod he got £1 2s 6d in rent for 30 acres of land and £3 in rent for 80 acres in the same place and £2 in rent for a further 80 acres in the same place. At Drumeskin in Uriel the escheator collected £4 10s for the rent on one carucate of land and another £7 10s on a further one carucate. At Newtown and Secone the escheator collected 11s 6d in rent from a messuage and 10 acres that was similarly alienated by the Archbishop.[26]

At Drumeskin the escheator gathered another £1 10s in rent for 19 acres and £3 rent on a messuage and 40 acres. At the same place he collected 1s 6d for one messuage and another £1 7s 6d rent on a messuage and 22 acres with a further 2s 3d in rent for one carucate of land. At Iuermongan the escheator collected £6 in rent for one carucate and 80 acres of land and at the same place 11s 6d for a messuage and 26 acres of land. At Termonfeckin the escheator got £1 1s for 34 acres of lands which was similarly aliened without licence.[27]

Armagh cathedral 

In the period from 8^th December 1312 to 1^st September 1313 the escheator collected as number of rents in various places that were alienated by the Archbishop of Armagh. Some of these rents included 40s for one carucate of land at Mayn in Uriel; 7s 6d for 30 acres at Mensterbod with 20s for 80 acres and 13s 4d for another 80 acres in the same place; at Drumeskin the escheator collected 30s rent for one carucate and 50s for another carucate along with 10s for 19 acres, 9d for one acre and 6d for a messuage; at Coluerstown the escheator got 30s rent for one carucate and at Ivormongan he got 40s rent for one carucate and 4 acres of land.[28]

Additional income was received from these places by the escheator in the period 1^st September 1313 until a month after Easter 1315.[29] Many of the same alienated lands were still in the hands of the crown in the period from 28^th June 1316 to 14^th May 1317 and onwards until the Monday after the feast of St. Lawrence 1320. The escheator continued to collect income from the alienated lands of the archbishopric of Armagh in the period from 20^th February 1322 until 1^st August 1323. This income amounted to £2 1s 8d per year at Monsterbud in Uriel, £4 7s 8d yearly at Ivormongan and 1s 10d yearly at Drumeskin. The income on these places from 1^st August 1323 to 3^rd January 1324 amounted to 7s 6d for 30 acres, 13s 4d for 80 acres, £2 for one carucate, 9d for one acre, 6d for one messuage and 3s 10d for other rents.[30]

From 28^th June 1316 to 14^th May 1317 and onwards to 28^th May 1319 two parts of the manor of Nobber were in the King’s hand because James Bernard and Thomas le Thorp made unlawful entry. The escheator collected £19 8s 7d and £33 4s 11d before the property was delivered to Roland, Archbishop of Armagh.[31]

From the feast of St. Edmund 1318 the Archbishop of Armagh lost £2 rent and issues from five carucates at Creg in County Meath for trespass. The property was rented from the Archbishop by Richard Duff, deceased. The King granted the rent to the Archbishop of Dublin in part payment of 200 marks owed to the Archbishop of Dublin for his expenses as justiciar.[32]

On the supposed resignation of Roland as Archbishop of Armagh the temporalities were taken into the King’s hand but the escheator collected no income from same because the temporalities were delivered to Simon son of Richard and Mahon de Cruys before any rent term fell due.[33] Shortly after land at Drumeskin that was formerly held by Roesia de Paris was taken into the King’s hand because Roland, Archbishop of Armagh, alienated it without licence to Simon son of Richard. But the escheator gained nothing for the property as Simon received livery and full seisin by a writ delivered into the Exchequer on 28^th April 1323. Meanwhile Simon son of Richard and Macomet de Cruys accounted for no income from the temporalities of Armagh from 6^th April 1323 to 20^th July because it was certified that Archbishop Roland had no in fact resigned.[34]

For more on Roland Jorz, Archbishop of Armagh see = http://celtic2realms-medievalnews.blogspot.ie/2016/04/roland-jorz-archbishop-of-armagh_17.html

From 14^th June 1324 until 1^st December 1324 the escheator gathered £54 17s ¾d in receipts. £43 0s 9¾d came from the demesnes, meadows, pastures, farms, betagh, cottiers and free tenants of the manors of Kilmoun, Inoskeen, Nerny, Rustagh, Drumeskin, Termonfeckin and Nobber. £1 18s 7d came from mills, tollboots, market tolls and prise of fish while £9 17s 8½d came from increments.[35]

From 4^th February 1324 until 16^th February 1326 the escheator collected £1 6s 4d for the rent of 12 acres at Drumeskin which was in the King’s hand because Nicholas, the late Archbishop of Armagh, alienated it without a licence.[36]   

In the time of King Edward III the escheator still collected £7 0s 6d for rent of 30 acres at Mansterbud in Uriel which was alienated by Nicholas, late Archbishop of Armagh, along with 3s 10d for a messuage and 26 acres in Iuermcbury, 9d for one acre at Drumeskin, and 6d for a messuage there. At the vacancy of the Archbishopric, the escheator collected £4 2s ¾d at Mouresrath for the land of John Mowe, deceased, who held of the Archbishop.[37]

From 5^th March 1333 until 5^th March 1335 the escheator collected £2 yearly rent from a carucate of land at the Setoun near Drumeskin in Uriel. This land was granted by Richard Slmeriche to Nicholas, late Archbishop of Armagh, to support the church of Armagh but was giving without royal licence. Therefore the property was taken into the King’s hand.[38]

By writ of 30^th July 1332 the King pardoned the trespass of illegal alienation by Nicholas, late Archbishop of Armagh, of a messuage and ten acres of land at Newtown of Setoun in Uriel to Robert le Botiller. The property was granted to the Archbishop of Dublin as part payment of 200 marks and after 30^th July Stephen de Seagrave, Archbishop of Armagh, had full title.[39] Meanwhile, up to 25^th June 1333 Stephen de Segrave had custody of the County Meath lands of the late Walter de Turpilton until delivered to Walter’s son and heir, Hugh de Turpilton. Stephen de Segrave also had custody of two parts of the manor of Ardee in Co. Louth from the estate of the late John de Bermingham, Earl of Louth.[40]

On the death of Stephen de Segrave, Archbishop of Armagh, the temporalities were taken into the King’s hand. From 27^th October 1333 until 16^th March 1335 when delivered to David, the new Archbishop, the manor of Kilmore in Co. Meth earned £31 7d in receipts. In the same period the manor of Nobber earned £25 8s 3½d, Termonfeckin (£97 9s 10d), and Drumeskin (£8 2s 6½d) until 14^th February 1334 when delivered to John Gernon.[41]

In 1335 the Archbishop of Armagh received 1s 4d per year in rent from the escheator for land held by the King in Moures Rath in Uriel.[42] Later rent rolls from the 1430s onwards are contained in extract form in a manuscript at the National Library of Ireland (N.L.I., MS 4831).[43] At the 1467 Parliament at Drogheda the then Archbishop of Armagh, John Bole, received a formal charter of the legal and feudal property rights attached to the Archbishopric. In 1946 Rev. Aubrey Gwynn wrote a study on the property of the Archbishopric and gave an account of other sources of income available to the Archbishop. These other sources included tithes and the annual “Dues of St. Patrick”. The latter collection was made in the dioceses of Meath and Armagh and seems to be a carryover from an ancient collection due to the Archbishop as “coarb of St. Patrick”.[44]

Cashel archbishopric

On the death of Stephen O’Bragan, Archbishop of Cashel, the temporalities came into the Kings hand. In the period from the feast of St. James 1302 until the morrow of Michaelmas in the same year £81 19s 6d was accrued in receipts. 38s 2d came from the rent of Camys manor with its member of Listagan and the manors of Kilmylock, Killough and Iverad. The demesnes were tilled before the Archbishop’s death and so brought in no income but £8 14s 3d came by rent of the gavellers, betaghs, cottiers and farmers with the rent of Clonfinglas manor. The free tenants and the rent of Burgageleth manor brought in £67 15s 6d. The rent and issues of mills, farms, stalls and turbary of the manors of Camys, Kilmylock and Burgageleth earned 46s while 25s 7d came from the courts with the manor of Iverad. In the period from the morrow of Michaelmas 1303 to the purification of Blessed Virgin Mary (2^nd February) 1304 the receipts amounted to £199 2s 10d which included money from the manors of Kilardry and Fytheryd.[45]

In 1318 William, Archbishop of Cashel, received the lands formerly held by Walter Maunsel, deceased, along with the marriage of the heir, to hold until the majority of the heir. The escheator gained no income from the property as it was delivered to the Archbishop before any income was due.[46]

In 11^th year of Edward II (8^th July 1318 to 7^th July 1319) the escheator collected no income from the archbishopric of Cashel, in the King’s hands since the death of Archbishop Maurice because the temporalities were intrusted to the custody of John, son of Peter le Poer, Baron of Dunhill, to hold until he recovered 500 marks owed to him and shortly after the temporalities were delivered to William, archbishop-elect.[47]

From 1309 to 1313 the escheator collected £30 per year from the churches of Ardmail and Ballysithecan in the Diocese of Cashel. These churches were formerly owned by the Knights Templar. Of this money the Archbishop of Cashel received £8 10s 8d for proxies and entertainment.[48]

After the death of Walter, Archbishop of Cashel, the temporalities were taken into the King’s hand. But the escheator answered nothing in respect to the rent and issues because Master John Ograde held the temporalities on behalf of the King and on 9^th July 1332 John Ograde received full title as he was the new Archbishop of Cashel. In another report it was said that the dean and chapter held custody, on behalf of the King, of the Cashel temporalities from Monday after the feast of St. Matthew the apostle 1326 until 18^th May 1327 when delivered to John, Archbishop-elect. In that time £130 9s 1¾d was collected in receipts. This came from Fethard manor (£13 16s 8d), Killough manor (£30 2d), Everard manor (£14 6s 5¾d), the burgery of new Cashel and Cammys (£50 19s 2d with 4 crannocs of wheat and 2 crannocs of oats), and £13 6s 8d from the manors of Kilmaclef and Killardery. The latter two manors were rented by William de Bermingham for 20 marks per year and from which £8 came from the free tenants there.[49]

The Rock of Cashel - home of the Archbishop 

On 19^th June 1337 a writ delivered to the Exchequer restored to John, Archbishop of Cashel, the rents and issues of three carucates of land in Ordyn and Ardbygyn in Co. Tipperary. This land was taken into the King’s hand because David McKerwill, former Archbishop of Cashel, alienated the property to Reginald McCotyr, senior, without obtaining a royal licence. Because the property was almost immediately restored to the Archbishopric, the escheator accounted for no income from the property.[50]

From 1^st August 1331 until 10^th August 1336 the escheator held a messuage and 60 acres of land at Pipardstown, Co. Tipperary. This property belonged to William Hacket, deceased, who held of the Archbishopric of Cashel which was then vacant and in the King’s hand. £7 was collected where the annual income was £1 8s. By the same custody within a custody the escheator accounted for 8s from a garden and acre of arable land at Fethard held by John de Coulduf, chaplain from the Archbishopric of Cashel. This property had an annual income of 1s and the 8s included 4s of a increment. In the same period Sir Adam de London answered at the Exchequer for £12 in respect of the temporalities and still owed the money.[51] 

Clonfert bishopric

From 22^nd February 1296 until 28^th January 1297 the temporalities of Clonfert were in the King’s hand and in that time £88 15s was collected in receipts.[52]  Years later the escheator answered for no income from the temporalities following the death of Robert Petyt because John, the new bishop, took delivered by writ to the Exchequer on 6^th March 1323.[53]

Apart from the above records from the Reports of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, a rental of the dioceses of Clonfert and Kilmacduagh, transcribed by James Ware, was published by K.W. Nichols as ‘The episcopal rentals of Clonfert and Kilmacduagh’, in Analecta Hibernica, no. 26 (1970), pp. 130-43.[54]

Clonmacnoise bishopric

For an account of the ancient pre-Norman lands see the study by Annette Kehnel 'The lands of St. Ciaran', in Clonmacnoise Studies, Volume 1 seminar papers 1994, pages 11 to 17.

With the death of Thomas Ocuyn in 1279, the bishopric of Clonmacnoise was taken into the King’s hand from Friday after the feast of St. Martin (11^th November) 1279 until 18^th February 1282 when the temporalities were delivered to Gilbert, dean of Clonmacnoise, bishop-elect on the presentation of John, Archbishop of Armagh. In that time £30 13s 4d was gathered in receipts from Ouelytrach and Tyruene in Connacht and the lands in the cantred of Clonmacdunmore. No income was earned from the waste lands in Clonmacnoise, Moybateran in Omany and elsewhere in the marches between Meath and Connacht.[55]

The cathedral at Clonmacnoise

For a pictorial tour of Clonmacnoise see = http://celtic2realms-medievalnews.blogspot.ie/2016/12/clonmacnoise-pictorial-tour.html

Cloyne bishopric

From Wednesday after the feast of the purification of the Blessed Virgin Mary (2^nd February) 1274 to the vigil of Easter 1275 the crown collected £125 6s 1½d in receipts from the Cloyne bishopric. This income came from such places as Ballycanenan, Ballymaccromyn, Ballykanan, Athgner, Ballycocekyn, the town of Cloyne, the manor of Cloyne, Coole, Ballymacchynyn, Ballymyne, Donenachmore and the manor of Iniscar.[56]

In the papal taxation of 1302-6 the sum of £100 was placed on the value of the goods of the Bishop of Cloyne in both temporal and spiritual income.[57] Yet we cannot be certain about this value as the valuation was for the proposes of taxation and clerics across the country had a tendency to place a low valuation so as to keep the tax bill down.[58]

After the death of Nicholas, Bishop of Cloyne, the temporalities were taken into the King’s hand. From the Wednesday the morrow of St. Matthias (14^th May) 1322 to 1^st August 1322 the escheator collected £20 18s 3d from the demesne lands, meadows, pastures and turbaries on the bishopric manors along with £33 18s from the rent of betaghs, cottiers and rent-payers together with the rent of the hand-mills. A further £55 17s came from the free tenants and burgesses, £2 from the issues of mills and £1 16s from the issues of the hundred courts and market tolls. All this income came from the bishopric manors of Cloyne with Ballycotin, Kilmeeleynyn, Coole and Brissagh.[59]  

At some date the Bishop of Cloyne purchased 80 acres at Kilmcleynyn from David McLaughlin and subsequently sold the land, without gaining a royal licence, to William de Barry. In such circumstance the property is taken into the King’s hand but the escheator gained no income from as a writ of 17^th April 1321 delivered the land to William de Barry.[60]

From 1^st August 1322 until 3^rd January 1323 the escheator collected £6 18s 5d from the demesne lands of the manors belonging to the Bishopric of Cloyne and with other receipts the total income amounted to £38 3s 1d. But as no gale day for rent occurred while the escheator held the temporalities the income quoted must be below the actual total income due. The temporalities were delivered to Maurice, the new bishop, on 30^th January 1323.[61]

By the death of Maurice O Solehan, Bishop of Cloyne, the temporalities were taken into the King’s hand. From 31^st March 1333 until 5^th March 1335 the escheator collected £119 2s 2d in receipts. This income came from the rent and issues of the demesnes, meadows, pastures, farmers, cottiers, betaghs and free tenants on the bishopric manors of Cloyne, West Muskerry, Coole, Clenor and Kilmaclenine. From 5^th March to 16^th September 1335 the escheator collected £27 5s 9d in receipts. A writ dated 8^th December 1335 delivered the temporalities to John de Cumba, the new Bishop. The receipts of the temporalities were backdated to 16^th September and the annual revenue was said to be £54 11s 2d.[62]

More detail records of the estates and income of the bishopric of Cloyne can be got from the Pipe Roll of Cloyne begun by John de Swaffham, Bishop of Cloyne 1363-1376. This record shows rentals and land deeds from 1364 with additions by later Bishops up to 1481 and particularly by Bishop Gerald Caneton (1394-c.1412).[63] Although the original record was lost in the Four Courts fire of 1922 edited versions do survive. The record was edited by Richard Caulfield in 1859 and published at Cork as Rotulus Pipae Clonensis. A new edition with English translation was edited by Paul MacCotter and K.W. Nichols and published in 1996 by the Cloyne Literary and Historical Society as The Pipe Roll of Cloyne (Rotulus Pipae Clonensis).[64]

Connor bishopric

This bishopric was held by the crown from the feast of St. Katherine the virgin (25^th November) 1274 to the feast of St. Augustine (28^th August) 1275 and generated £8 6s in receipts.[65]

Cork bishopric

After the death of Reginald, Bishop of Cork, the temporalities were taken into the King’s hand from the Wednesday after the feast of St. Lucy the virgin (13^th December ) 1276 until 11^th June 1277 when they were delivered to Brother Robert the monk, bishop-elect. In that time £32 13s 10d was collected from the manor of Fayd with the burgages, mills, fishing weirs, fisheries, and the perquisites of the hundred along with the demesnes etc. from Kilbrogan and elsewhere.[66]

In the period 6^th March 1302 to 20^th July in the same year the bishopric of Cork generated £23 15s 11d in income receipts. This was between the death of Robert, the late bishop and the delivery of the temporalities to John McKerwill, the new bishop. Of the amount raised 63s came from the rent of pastures, 15s from gaveller rent, £18 6s 1d from free tenants, 27s 6d from mills, fisheries, weirs and gardens while 4s 4d came from the perquisites of the court.[67]

In the papal taxation of 1302-6 the sum of £40 was put on the value of the revenue of the Bishop of Cork in relation to spiritual and temporal income. Elsewhere the temporalities were valued at £69 6s 8d. This was made up of 40 marks in rents, 24 marks in lands and 40 marks in spiritual income.[68]

In September 1321 the escheator gained no money from the temporalities of Cork after the transfer of John, the former bishop, to the see of Meath because the temporalities were immediately delivered to Philip of Slaan, of the order of Preachers, the new Bishop of Cork.[69]

Dublin Archbishopric

The Dublin archbishopric was the richest of all the medieval Irish bishoprics. Even before the Norman Conquest the Archbishopric was a major landholder in the Dublin area with about 50,000 acres of the modern county of some 222,710 acres. After 1200 the Archbishop’s estate was about 53,000 while the two cathedral chapters held another 12,370 acres. The old baronies of Nethercross and Uppercross preserve in their name the cross lands of the Archbishop.[70]

The Archbishopric’s location, in and around, the chief trading port of medieval Ireland helped to make it rich. The fact that Dublin was also the chief city of Anglo-Norman Ireland and the most often location of the administration and army made it a secure, peaceful place, although the Irish, particularly from the Wicklow Mountains, occasionally raided in the district causing destruction and economic loss. 

Apart from the records of the various escheators of Ireland published in the appendix to various Reports of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, 35 to 44, the revenue of the Bishopric and its estates survive in a number of documents. In the late thirteenth century a record of deeds relating to the episcopal estates was compiled in the Crede mihi. This was published in 1897 under the editorship of John T. Gilbert as Crede mihi; the most ancient register book of the archbishops of Dublin before the reformation. In 1950 the Liber niger Alani was published under the editorship of Charles McNeill by the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland by the title of Calendar of Alen’s register, c.1172-1534 and this contains many deeds from the twelfth century relating to rentals an extents.[71]  

In the 13^th year of Henry III (28^th October 1228 to 27^th October 1229) the archbishopric of Dublin generated the following income; £220 10s 4½d from Swords; £40 7s 4d from St. Keyvin’s; £25 9s 11½d from Finglas; £27 15½d from Senekill and Kilmackburn; £56 from Salvum Keyvini; £32 5s 7½d from Clondacane 54s from Newtown; £29 17s 10d from Tanelach; £83 12s 1½d from Ballymore; £18 14s 6½d from Rathcool; £8 3s 4d from Bretaschia; 5 marks 12s from the Earl Marshal; £10 from Richard Fanyn; 26s from Nicholas Petit; 10 marks from Stagmothan; 40s from the greater church of Glendaloch; 40s from Tristeldermot; £13 9s 5d from the demesne lands of the various manors; 79s 10d from the sale of meadows; 75s 7d from herbage and £18 8s 6½d from the pleas and perquisites of the court.[72]

In 1272 Master John de Sampford received £200 from the archbishopric of Dublin in new aid via Walter de la Haye and Thomas de Chaddesworth.[73]

The archbishopric of Dublin was again in the King’s hand from the feast of St. James the apostle (25^th July) 1271 to Michaelmas 1277. In that time the crown collected a great amount of income from the various manors belonging to the archbishopric. In all the sum of £8,046 9s 6¾d was collected. The account of this period was printed in Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, vol. 5, pp. 149-162.[74]

The archbishopric of Dublin continued to remain in the King’s hand from Michaelmas 1277 to the Sunday after the feast of St. Hilary 1279. In that period £1,669 2s 5½d was collected in income from the various manors.[75] From the feast of St. Hilary 1279 to 28^th January 1279 when the temporalities were delivered to Brother John de Derlington, archbishop-elect, the sum of £405 9s 3½d was collected in receipts. The income should have been greater but the manors of Castlekevin, Kilmacberr and Kilmesantan were waste and nobody cared to take them due to the war with the Irish.[76]

The temporalities of the Archbishopric of Dublin were in the King’s hand from the morrow of Michaelmas 1296 until the feast of the purification of B.V.M. 1297 when they were delivered to William de Hothom, the new Archbishop. In that time the manor of Swords had £94 5s 4½d in income, £105 4s 10½d came from Finglas manor, £120 3s 4½d from Colon manor, £136 18s 4½d from Shanakill, £159 17s 11¼d from Clondalkin, £161 1s 7 ¼ d from Tallagh, £170 16s 6d from Rathcool, and £218 12s½d from Ballymore.[77]

Following the death of William de Hothom, Archbishop of Dublin, the temporalities were taken into the King’s hand. From the Saturday before the feast of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross (14^th September) 1298 until 12^th July 1300, when the temporalities were delivered to Richard de Feringes, the new Archbishop, the escheator collected various receipts from the Archbishopric manors including a fine for marriage at Finglas amounting to £1,621 13s 3¼d. In additional to the monetary income, 603 quarters and 1 bushel of wheat along with 491 crannocks and 3 bushels of oats were delivered to the King’s purveyors for the Scottish war. Additional supplies of wheat were purchased from the executors of William de Hothom to bring the total amount to 1,898 crannocks and 7½ bushels. Of the wheat and oats gathered 548 crannocks and 7 bushels of wheat were returned as seed for 1,163 acres and 478 crannocks and 10 bushels of oats were returned as seed for 1,021 acres. Later 295 acres of wheat sown with the above seed was sold. Some 82 horses and 199 cows were purchased from the temporalities.[78]

St. Patrick's cathedral, Dublin

After the death of John de Leek, Archbishop of Dublin, the temporalities were taken into the King’s hand from the feast of St. Lawrence the martyr (10^th August) 1313 until 24^th February 1314 (28 weeks) and in that time £289 6s 3¼d was collected in receipts.[79]

In the period from 1^st September 1313 until a month after Easter 1315 the escheator collected various incomes from property alienated by Richard de Feryngs, late Archbishop of Dublin, without obtaining the King’s licence. This income included £3 per year rent for one carucate of land at Ballmcwither near Lusk and £4 for a tenement at Lusk. In all £149 11s ½d was collected.[80] Many of these alienated lands were still in the hands of the crown in the period from 14^th May 1317 until the Monday after the feast of St. Lawrence 1319 when the escheator collected £28 9s 4d in receipts.[81]

In the period from 24^th February 1314 to 28^th September 1315 the escheator collected £1,223 10s 9¼d from the temporalities of the see of Dublin.[82] From 14^th May 1317 until 1^st February 1319 the escheator held two parts of a messuage and land formerly held by Peter Doundoun from the Archbishop of Dublin at Ballysyward, Co. Limerick.[83]

In Michaelmas term 1318 the Archbishop of Dublin was given a number of properties around Ireland that were in wardship or had escheated to the crown. The Archbishop could hold these lands until he had earned 200 marks from them. This was by way of compensation of 200 marks granted to the Archbishop to meet his expense as justiciar of Ireland. the properties involved were the lands of Henry Judas and Walter Russell in County Waterford (rental income of 9s 7½d) – the Russell property of a messuage and 12 ½ acres was restored to Laurence Rede, heir of Walter by writ dated 8^th August 1335; the land of Roger de Messyngtoun in Co. Meath (rental income of 15s on a carucate of land); the land and tenement of Robert de Bree at Kilsaughan, Co. Dublin (7s 4½d yearly rental income); the land of Hugh Tyrell at Casteknock, Co. Dublin (8s yearly rental income for 8 acres); the land of Walter son of Gilbert at Clonorrenan, Co. Dublin (11s yearly rent); 6s rent for 12 acres at Liskilthyn, Co. Waterford; two parts of the land of James la Taillour at Croynestown in Uriel (30s 2d in 18 months = this property grant to Stephen Taillour, son of James 1^st April 1322) and the rents and issues for two parts of eleven burgages at Lynan, Co. Tipperary (worth £3 1s 6d over 21 months) along with two parts of two free tenants at Walterestown Hamelyn in Uriel (£2 in rental income) and 16s 8d rent (for 6 months) from a number of free tenements at Callan in Uriel (held until 11^th June 1333) which were taken into the King’s hand because Mellifont abbey alienated the property without licence along with 7s 6d from a messuage and land at Maundevillestown in Uriel with £2 rent on five carucates at Creg in County Meath, forfeited to the King by the Archbishop of Armagh for trespass.[84] 

The escheator accounted for many of these places in the period 28^th June 1316 to 14^th May 1317. At the same time the escheator collected £7 2s 4¼d from the land of Peter Daundoun at Ballsyward in Co. Limerick from which he deducted 13s 4d in head rent for the Archbishop of Dublin.[85] On 30^th July 1332 the property of a messuage and 10 acres at Newtown of Setoun in Uriel, which was given to the Archbishop of Dublin in part payment of the 200 marks, was restored to Stephen de Segrave, Archbishop of Armagh.[86]

In 1316 the escheator gave a statement of arrears of the issues of the Archbishopric of Dublin as amounting to £491 11s 6¾d.[87]

On 15^th February 1335 the escheator took into the King’s hand the property of John de Multon in Ireland on the death of the latter. Shortly after (17^th February) the custody of the property (worth £44 14s 1d per year), was delivered to Alexander, Archbishop of Dublin, for which he was to account at the Exchequer. But the Archbishop didn’t have it for long as on 20^th February the property was delivered to Philippa, Queen of England.[88]

On the death of Henry de Cogan on 23^rd February 1336 his property was taken into the King’s hand until 20^th March when it was delivered to Alexander, Archbishop of Dublin, for a certain fine rendered to the King until the majority of the heir of Peter de Cogan, kinsman of Henry.[89]

For later accounts of the revenues of the Archbishopric of Dublin the Liber niger Alani has fourteenth century rentals while a rental relating to 1382 was published by James Mills in the Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, 4^th series, ix (1889), pp. 31-41.[90]

Elphin bishopric

In the late 1320s Richard de Exeter rented two parts of two parts of two carucates of land at Clonaybren near Roscommon from John, Bishop of Elphin. The rent for 24^th July 1331 until 24^th March 1333 was 17s 8½d. The land was taken into the King’s hand following the death of Richard de Exeter and the escheator collected £2 12s as income for the same period.[91]

Emly bishopric

In 1244 Geoffrey de Mariscis was said to have rented land in Kelpriokes, Kilkalan, Danachgulian, Kellinery, Kelgoban and Ballydimedir from the Bishop of Emly.[92]

The demesne lands of the manor of Imelachuor (Emly) were set to farm from the feast of St. Peter (29^th June) 1272 to 2^nd August 1272 after the death of the former bishop. A sum of £59 19s 2d was collected which included receipts from Ballymacsty, Kildromon and pasture on the mountain. On 2^nd August the temporalities were delivered to the bishop-elect by the name of Matthew who was the former archdeacon of Emly.[99]

Imelachor (Emly) was again in the King’s hands from the Annunciation of the Blessed Virgin Mary (4^th April) 1275 to the Exaltation of the Holy Cross (14^th September). In that time £56 15s 2¼d was raised in receipts from places like the lordship of Imelachor, the burgages of Imelach, the lordship of Ballymaestech, the lordship of Kildromin and other places.[100]

After the death of David Ocusby, Bishop of Ymelac (Emly), the temporalities were taken into the King’s hand from Wednesday the feast of St. Barnabas (11^th June) 1281 to the same day a year later. In that time £158 1s 3d was earned in receipts. This income came from the demesne lands of Ymelachyvor, Ballymacsti (Ballymacstey), Kildrommin, Cortyr-Thometyn and Kuldohelech.[159]

Between 4^th February 1309 and 14^th May in the same year the temporalities of Emly were in the King’s hand due to the death of Thomas Canok, late bishop, until they were delivered to William Routheued, bishop-elect. In that time £6 11s in receipts accrued from the demesnes, pastures and meadows belonging to the bishopric in Counties Tipperary and Limerick. Other sources of income generated £97 3s 1¾d in receipts.[93]

Between 15^th June 1335 and 16^th August 1335 the escheator accounted for 1s 4d from the issues and profits of the hundreds, fairs market tolls and extern courts of the temporalities of Emly in the King’s hand by the death of William, late Bishop of Emly. By a writ dated 16^th August, the temporalities were delivered to Richard Walsh, bishop-elect.[94]

Ferns bishopric

Following the death of Hugh, Bishop of Ferns, the temporalities were taken into the King’s hand from the Friday before the feast of St. Dunstan (19^th May) 1282 until 13^th October in the same year. In that time £104 18s 10 ¾ d was gathered in receipts. This inome came from the manor of Fethard, Kinhech, Ballyengelyn with Clonmore and Ballyengelyn along with land at Macglass with Ballygillany and Clonard and Ferns.[95]

On the death of Robert Waleraunt, Bishop of Ferns, the temporalities were taken into the King’s hand from 17^th November 1311 until 14^th March 1312 when they were delivered to master Adam de Northampton, the bishop-elect. In that time £4 15s 6d was collected in receipts from the perquisites of the hundred courts, mills, prise of ale, etc., from the manors of Ferns, Polregan, Moiglass, Ballyenglyn, Kynneyth and Fethard. No rent money was collected for the demesne lands in these manors as no gale day fell within the period of account. A further £18 3s 2d was collected in increments.[96]

The manor of Clonard of the Bishopric of Ferns was taken into the King’s hand because Adam, Bishop of Ferns, alienated the manor without a licence. But the escheator gathered no income from the rents and issues of the manor because the property was restored of the Bishop of Ferns.[97] From Easter term 1332 until 26^th September 1332 the escheator collected £2 13s 4d from the messuage and three carucates of land at Clonard which Richard, late Bishop of Ferns, had alienated without licence to Geoffrey de Bybury. By writ delivered to the Exchequer on 26^th September the land was delivered to John de Sutton.[98]

Choir area of the medieval cathedral at Ferns

Kildare bishopric

From the feast of St. Bartholomew (24^th August) to the feast of St. Martin (11^th November) 1232 the bishopric of Kildare was in the king’s hand and Geoffrey, seneschal of the archbishop of Dublin, collected £19 5s 10½d as income. Of this amount £17 10s 10d was paid into the Dublin exchequer and the remainder was to cover Geoffrey’s expenses.[101]

The Kildare bishopric was in the King’s hand from Wednesday after Palm Sunday 1272 to the vigil of Michaelmas 1276 and in that time the crown collected £673 15s 7d in receipts. This income came from the manor of Kildare, and other places like Selyok, Rathelewyn and Ballyknavyn along with Nerny, Athgarvan, Woodtown, Lilach, Cloncurry, Kill and Cormockiswell.[102]

From the vigil of Michaelmas 1276 to 19^th February 1281 the bishopric of Kildare was in the king’s hand until the temporalities were delivered to Brother Nicholas, the new bishop. In that time £673 18s 6½d was gathered in receipts. This income came from the manor of Kildare and other places like Selyok, Kildare, Rathalewy and Ballycnawyn along with Clongory, Lilyagh, Woodtown, the rent of Matilda the widow, Nerny, Adgarvan, Kilcormokes, Wells and the rent from a house in Dublin which belonged to the bishopric.[103]

After the death of Nicholas Cusack, Bishop of Kildare, the temporalities were taken into the King’s hand. In the period from Saturday before the feast of the nativity of Blessed Virgin Mary 1299 (8^th September) to 4^th April 1300 the receipts amounted to £549 7s ½d. £29 8s 2d came from the gavellers on the manors of Kildare, Adgarvan, Kill, Nerny, Cloncanry, Ballycnayn and Garue. £6 15s 5d came from rent of free tenants and 2s 5d from perquisites of the court.[104]

In the time of King Edward III the Bishop of Kildare was owed rent for the site of the castle at Kildare. In 1333 he was paid £2 19s 3¼d by the escheator who held the estate of the deceased Earl of Kildare, Richard son of Thomas, during the minority of the heir. In the period 6^th December 1331 until 28^th February 1333 the escheator deducted £2 4s 5¼d from the one third income at Kildare from the estate of the late Blanch, Countess of Kildare, to pay the rent to the Bishop of Kildare for the Kildare castle site.[105]

In the year from 19^th November 1332 to 19^th November 1333 the escheator gathered £3 3s 7½d from the income relating to the lands and tenements which belonged to Walter Calf, late Bishop of Kildare, at the Norragh, Co. Kildare. This property was held of John de Hastings, deceased, and so was a custody within a custody.[106]

After the death of Walter, Bishop of Kildare, the temporalities were taken into the King’s hand. From 29^th November 1332 until 19^th January 1333 (7 weeks) the escheator collected 2s 6½d from the issues and profit of a mill, dovecot and court until title was delivered to the dean and chapter. The new Bishop of Kildare, Richard, was granted seisin of the temporalities by writ 25^th April 1334. The dean and chapter later accounted for £45 2s 11d which they said was the yearly income. The chapter were allowed £5 5s 4d in respect of 268 acres which was sown with wheat and harvested before the death of Walter, the late Bishop.[107]

Kildare cathedral

Killala bishopric

After the death of John, Bishop of Killala, the temporalities of the bishopric were taken into the King’s hand from Wednesday before the feast of SS Simon and Jude (28^th October) 1280 until Michaelmas 1281 when they were delivered to Donough, bishop-elect. £21 8s 2½d was earn in receipts for that time. This income came from the demesne lands of Killayde, Rathcogyn and Kilmorymody and the island of Oleyhan Meclassy. There was no income earned from the lands of Clonichoscryg and Drummard or the free tenants there resident because the lands were waste and nobody would take them.[108]

Killaloe bishopric

The bishopric of Killaloe was held by the crown from Tuesday before the feast of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary (15^th August) 1281 until 6^th July 1282 when the temporalities were delivered to Maurice, precentor of the church and later bishop of Killaloe. In that time £70 14 1½d was gathered in receipts from the lands of Ballymolyn, Gilrothstown, Clonelan and Stachedan in the tenement of Newastle Lyons near Dublin with the lands of the Irish there. The latter place was held of the king as part of an exchange for the manor of Roscrea where the government had built a royal castle. Income also gathered from the demesne lands of Artcrony in Co. Tipperary and part of the lands in Thomond, the remainder of Thomond was in waste because of the war with the Irish.[109]  

In about the 30^th year Edward 1 (20^th November 1301 to 19^th November 1302) certain lands at Killucan in Co. Dublin were taken into the King’s hands because Maurice, Bishop of Killaloe, alienated the property to James O’Hogan, his son, without receiving a royal licence. The value of the property was £12 0s 9½d in rental receipts per year.[110]

On the death of David, Bishop of Killaloe, the temporalities were taken into the King’s hand from 14^th May 1317 until 2^nd July 1317 when they were delivered to Thomas, bishop-elect. But the escheator collected no income in that time as no rent payment date fell within the said period.[111]

From the vigil of St. Peter ad vincula (1^st August) 1321 until the same feast 1322 the escheator collected £4 17s 1 ½ d from the land of Gilrotheston, Co. Dublin, which was part of the temporalities of Killaloe, then in the King’s hand. From 1^st August 1332 to 3^rd January 1323 the escheator collected £2 8s 6¾d from this Dublin property. In the temporalities of Killaloe in Munster and Thomond the escheator could gain nothing as the land was uncultivated and in the march of the Irish.[112]

On the death of Thomas Ocurmegan, Bishop of Killaloe, the temporalities were taken into the King’s hand but no income was collected by the escheator before Benedict, the new Bishop, took delivery as no gale day for rent fell in the held period. This period was up to 26^th January 1323.[113]

Leighlin bishopric

The crown held the bishopric of Leighlin from the feast of St. Mark the Evangelist (25^th April) 1275 to 7^th March 1276 and collected £120 5s 3d in receipts. This income came from such places as the manor of Woodstock, the lands of Fynnoure, Killory, the town of Welles, the burgages of Old Leighlin, and the land of Tachmeho which was rented by the prior of Conal.[114]

From 28^th July 1309 to 15^th November of the same year the escheator collected £1 15s 1½d from the rent of the farmers using the meadows on the manor of Old Leighlin and on the associated lands at Killory and Fynnoure. The escheator collected £18 6s 8d from other sources of income. The pastures and woods of the bishopric yield no income.

The entry relating to the Leighlin bishopric raises an important matter relative to the value of each bishopric in Ireland and that is the time of the farming year that the temporalities were in crown hands. The escheator said that little income could be got from the demesne lands because the demesne lands were tilled before the bishop’s death and so there was not harvested crop to generate income. The bishopric was in the King’s hand because of the death of Nicholas Cheuere, the late Bishop of Leighlin. The new bishop-elect was Maurice de Blancheville.[115]

In the 15^th year of Edward II (8^th July 1321 to 7^th July 1322) Master Meiler le Poer, bishop-elect of Leighlin, promised to pay 40 marks as a fine for having livery of the temporalities to be paid at a rate of 10 marks per year. Milo le Poer and Master Reymund de Sutton stood as securities that the money would be paid.[116]

Limerick bishopric

On 31^st July 1216 a mandate was sent to Geoffrey de Mariscis, justiciar, to assign to Edmund, Bishop of Limerick, 10 librates of land within or within of the cantred of Limerick in lieu of an annuity of £10 payable by the Bishop at the Exchequer.[117]

The temporalities of the bishopric of Limerick were in the King’s hands from Monday before the feast of the Exaltation of the Cross (14^th September) 1272 to Epiphany (6^th January) 1273 when the bishopric was delivered to Gerald, the bishop-elect. In that time £126 14s 1d was raised in revenue. Among the income were receipts from Cloncheure, Moryn, Moyngaret, Ocrossan, the heir of Roger Sweyn, the mill of Senekyl, the demesne lands of Tulocbroc, the vill of Bymer and the demesne lands of Dromdale to named but a few places.[118]

In the period from Easter 1296 to Easter 1299 the escheator held the manor of Shanid in Co. Limerick which had come to the King on the death of Thomas son of Maurice. From the receipts of the manor the escheator paid the Bishop of Limerick 4s for land which the grandfather of Thomas gave the nuns of Okonyl and 13s 4d to the Bishop for certain land in the demesnes which Thomas held of the Bishop.[119]

Following the death of Gerald, Bishop of Limerick, the temporalities were taken into the King’s hand until delivered to Robert Dundouenald, the new Bishop. The escheator held the temporalities from 10^th February 1302 until 23^rd September in same year and in that time gathered £96 0s 11¾d in income. This came from 36s 4d of the perquisities of the court, £7 13s 11d from the mills and gardens, £54 13s 3¼d from the rent of free tenants and the villages of Ardaugh and Kilmallock. The rent of Irish cottiers, gavelers and farmers on the manors of Lauwyl, Ballymolingnan and Tylauchbryk came to £29 5s 7d.[120]

On the death of Robert de Dundounald, Bishop of Limerick, the temporalities were taken into the King’s hand from 3^rd May 1311 until 28^th February 1312 when they were delivered to Eustace de Aqua, the bishop-elect. During that time the escheator collected £13 10s 2d in rent receipts from the demesne lands on the manors of Cloncheure, Dissard, Senogell, Dromdel, Lauewill, Mongaret (the mill was lately burnt by the Irish), Kilmehalok (Kilmallock), Tullachbrek and Ballymlynan. From these rents the escheator had to deduct £4 1s for the Michaelmas term 5 Edward on 4 carucates and 58 acres which was sown before the bishop’s death. This deduction was based on a calculation of 3d on every acre within 3½ carucates and 8 acres with 6d deducted on every acre within an area of 110 acres. Other sources of income generated £126 5s 9¾d in receipts.[121]

From 8^th December 1312 until 1^st September 1313 the escheator collected 5s in rent from two parts of the property of Robert Beauver who held of the Bishop of Limerick and as the see was vacant at the time, the rent became a custody within a custody. A further 20s was collected from the Beauver lands from 1^st September 1313 until a month after Easter 1315.[122]

The escheator collected 10s in rent for the Beauver property from 28^th June 1316 to 14^th May 1317 and collected another 20s in the period from 14^th May 1317 until Monday after the feast of St. Lawrence (10^th August) 1319. In the period 20^th February 1321 to 1^st August 1322 the escheator collected 15s in rent receipts from the land of Robert de Beauver of the Bishopric of Limerick because the see was then vacant. The yearly income was 10s. From the 1^st August 1322 until 3^rd January 1323 the escheator collected 5s from the Beauver estate as the see was then vacant.[123]

From 14^th May 1333 until 22^nd September 1333 the escheator collected 15s from the issues and profits of a water mill in Kilmallock, Co. Lmerick. The mill and watercourse were taken into the King’s hand because Eustace, Bishop of Limerick, alienated the property to Philip de Lichfield without obtaining a royal licence. The annum income of the mill was £2. The mill was restored to the Bishop by writ dated 22^nd September 1333.[124]

From 3^rd May 1336 until 10^th August 1336 the escheator accounted for £2 3s 3½d from the issues and profits of a mill, common bakehouse, hundred, extern court, market tolls and fishery in Co. Limerick. This property was part of the temporalities of the Bishopric of Limerik and was in the King’s hand by the death of Eustace, Bishop of Limerick. The annual income was for the property was £8 0s 2d.[125]

Lismore bishopric

On the retirement of Griffin, Bishop of Lismore, the manors of Ardmore, Glasmore, Methallia, New Ville, Lismore and Frekans were assigned by papal authority for his maintenance. Later Alan, Bishop of Lismore, got a lease of these manors from Griffin with the option of re-entry for Griffin in case of Alan’s retirement or death. In July 1253 the King commanded the justiciar to restore the manors to Griffin after Alan’s death.[126]

The ongoing confrontation between the Bishop of Lismore and the Bishop of Waterford for control of a united diocese created mixed signals as to who owned which episcopal manor but for us in the twenty-first century the dispute created pools of information that would not normally be available. See Robert Simington’s edition of the Co. Waterford Civil Survey for directional information about the dispute and the manors concerned.[127]

In July 1253 the King commanded the justiciar of Ireland to assign to Thomas, Bishop-elect of Lismore, the temporalities of the see, after confirming the election and securing the customary oath of fealty.[128]

After the death of John, Bishop of Lismore, the temporalities were taken into the King’s hand until delivered to Richard Cor, the bishop=elect. This period lasted from the feast of Pentecost 1279 until 18^th November 1280. In that time £438 2s ½d was collected in receipts from the manor of Lismore with its pasture of the wood, salmon fishery, perquisites of the hundred and marts and further income from other areas including, Admelan, Artmordeglan, Kilmains, the manor of Mochyl, Kilbarrymeaden and Moortown, Donaghmore and Ardfinnan with increases in rent in a few places.[129]

After the death of Richard Cor, Bishop of Lismore, the temporalities were taken into the King’s hand from the feast of All Saints 1308 until 14^th March 1309 when they were delivered to Master William le Fleming, bishop-elect. In that time £1 1s 9d was collected from the manors of Lismore, Ardmore, Deglan, de Bello Loo, Kilbarrymeaden, Mothel and Ardfinnan along with the granges of Moretown and Douenauchmore. The issues of the fishery of Lismore and Ardmore with other revenues generated £7 8s in receipts.[130]

In the period 1^st August 1322 until 3^rd January 1323 the escheator collected 4s 8d from the Bishopric of Lismore. Up to 23^rd January 1323 the escheator collected nothing as the temporalities were delivered to John, bishop-elect.[131]

In the time of King Edward III John, Bishop of Lismore, was a tenant of two thirds of the manor of Dergard in Co. Waterford for which he owed one mark.[132] In 1332 John, Bishop of Lismore, was given custody of a messuage and 6 acres of land at Freghanes, Co. Tipperary, which property was forfeited by William de Bermingham. The escheator never held the land and said the Bishop was answerable for the £1 17s 2d annual income. But it was not until 1338 that the Bishop of Lismore furnished an account of the property to the Exchequer.[133]

Following the union of the Dioceses of Lismore and Waterford, the property of the Bishop of Lismore seems to have suffered neglect as the Bishop resided in Waterford city more often than not. In the sixteenth and seventeenth century the property of the Bishopric of Lismore was substantially alienated and lost to lay ownership. In September 1660 Joshua Boyle wrote an account of the temporalities of Lismore which were transcribed by Rev. W.H. Rennison before the original was destroyed in the Four Courts fire in 1922. This document is an invaluable record and along with other information can give a detailed picture of the medieval temporalities.[134]

There is another document of interest to the temporalities of the Bishopric of Lismore that was made about 1487 by the then bishop, Thomas Purcell. This document, known as the ‘Black Book’ was said to be an official rent roll of the bishopric at that time with property deeds included. The book was supposed to have been destroyed by fire at Lismore but according to Charles Smith a copy was seen among the papers of the Bishop of Clogher bequeathed to Trinity College but its present whereabouts is unknown.[135]

South transept of Lismore cathedral

Meath bishopric

In February 1253 the temporalities of Meath were delivered to master Hugh de Taghmon as the Bishop of Meath.[136] After the death of Hugh, Bishop of Meath, the temporalities of Meath were taken into the King’s hand from before the feast of the Purification of the Blessed Virgin Mary (2^nd February) 1282 until the same day one year later. In that year £249 15s 3½d was collected from the lands of the lordship of the new town of Trim, and Eylagh along with the demesne lands of Arthbrekan, Richardstown, Clounard, Killeghan, and Drumert. Income also came from the rents of the gavellars of Neynan and the lands of Clnter, Drummert, Corbally, the moor of Clonfad, and the lands of Ballyleghan, Arthath and part of the manor of Deruagh. The second part of Deruagh was in waste and nobody would take it due to the war with the Irish.[137]  

After the death of Thomas, Bishop of Meath, the temporalities were taken into the King’s hand. Alexander de Bykenoure, Archbishop of Dublin, was given custody of the manor of Ardbrecan on behalf of the escheator. From 31^st January 1321 until the Purification of Blessed Virgin Mary (2^nd February), the Archbishop collected £23 10s 1d in receipts. Of this amount 40s was deducted for 80 acres tilled before the death of Bishop Thomas and £21 was allowed to the Archbishop for good service. From 2^nd February 1322 until 23^rd June 1322 when the temporalities were delivered to John, bishop-elect of Meath, the manor had £11 15s ½d in income.[138]

At the same time of Wednesday before the feast of the Circumcision (1^st January) 1321 until 23^rd June 1322 the escheator collected income from elsewhere in the temporalities of Meath. £9 3s came in rents from the demesne, meadows and pastures of the manors of Clonard, Killeghan and Newtown near Trim. Income also came from the rents of farmers, cottiers, free tenants and burgesses, mills, weirs, tollboot of beer, issues of the hundred court at Newtown. There was also an increment of 140 acres at Scurlagestown in the manor of Newtown near Trim. In total an amount of £47 9s 2¼d was collected. From this deductions were made of 15s rent for 60 acres of demesne land at Killeghan which was sown in wheat before the death of Bishop Thomas and 10s rent paid to Thomas de Nugent for 14 acres at Carpenerestown in the manor of Newtown near Trim. The bishopric’s lands at Ardcath yielded nothing because they were delivered to Thomas de Warilowe.[139]

Ossory bishopric

The Red Book of Ossory contains a wide variety of material such as rentals, statutes, provincial constitutions and hymns. Although the book is not yet published as detailed calendar was compiled by H.J. Lawlor in 1908 and published as ‘Calendar of the Liber Ruber of the diocese of Ossory’, in Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, xxvii (1908-9), C, pp. 159-208. A lost book of Ossory charters was published by H.F. Berry as ‘Ancient charters in the Liber Albus Ossoriensis’, in Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, xxvii (1908-9), C, pp. 115-25.[140]

On 25^th March 1233 a mandate was sent to Eustace, chancellor of Chichester and treasurer of Ireland, to deliver full and free administration of the temporalities of Ossory to Walter, Bishop-elect, and to have all the receipts since the time the King granted him custody of the see.[141]

On the death of Michael, Bishop of Ossory, the temporalities were taken into the King’s hand until delivered to William son of John, bishop-elect. This period lasted from 12^th July 1302 until 5^th December 1302. In that time, the escheator collected £112 20¾d in receipts. The manors of Deruach with Ballyslye, Authechour, Kilken, Outherach, Lough, Inisnak with Kilkee, Sthachscothyn and Clonmore returned income of 46s 4d from the rent of meadows and gardens. There was no income from the demesne lands and pastures because they were tilled before the bishop’s death and nobody would take them in such a short time. £30 9s 2¼d came from the rents of cottiers, betaghs and gavellers while £67 10s 5d came from the rents of the free tenants. £11 15s 9½d came from mills, weirs, gardens, farms, prise of ale, warrens, tolls, perquisites of the court, etc.[142]

By a writ delivered into the Exchequer on 17^th August 1317 the King granted William, Bishop of Ossory, the former lands of John de Boneville, a declared felon, at Tylahorwy.[143]

On the translation of William, Bishop of Ossory, to the see of Cashel, the temporalities of Ossory were taken into the King’s hand. But the escheator gathered no income from their possession as the temporalities were shortly after delivered to Richard, bishop-elect.[144]

In about 1330 John de Balygaueran rented one carucate and forty acres from the Bishop of Ossory at Boly, Co. Kilkenny. On the death of John the escheator took command of the property on 10^th May. But it was seen that an error was made and so on 8^th November custody of the property was given to Richard, Bishop of Ossory, and the rents and issues were given to him for the intermediate period and so the escheator answered for nothing.[145]

In addition to the above information the Representative Church Body Library has a collection of documents relating to the Bishop of Ossory’s property at Irishtown, Co. Kilkenny from 1320 onwards (R.C.B. Library, D/11/1/1).[146]

Ross bishopric

In the papal taxation of 1302-6 the value of the rent and revenues of the Bishop of Ross was calculated at 26 marks 10s. In the years 1310-20 Bishop Matthew O'Finn did much to recover and restore the property of the bishopric which was unjustly usurped.[147]

On the death of Lawrence, Bishop of Ross, the temporalities were taken into the King’s hand. From 3^rd March 1336 to 10^th August 1336 the escheator collected £4 3s 7½d from the temporalities. The annual income was put at £8 7s 2d. By a writ dated 28^th July the temporalities were delivered to master Denis, bishop-elect.[148]

Rossilydere bishopric

Is Rossilydere another name for the Diocese of Ross, above - possibly? The crown held this bishopric from Christmas 1274 to the 14^th April in the following year. Only £8 6s 8d in receipts was collected as the greater part of the bishopric was wasted by the Irish.[149]  

Tuam archbishopric

Following the death of Thomas, late Archbishop of Tuam, the temporalities were taken into the king’s hand from Friday after the feast of St. Barnabas (11^th June) 1279 until the same day in 1282. In those three years £409 7s was gathered in receipts. The income came from the manor of Tuam with the rent of the free tenants of Monebath, Olomain, Montirmolynna and Schynlamded with further income from the lands of Taxax near Athenry, with land at Kilmakerell near Athenry held by Philip Aze and land at Kilmechand, Cong, Moyho and Anachdun.[150]

From 7^th January 1312 until 8^th May 1313 the temporalities of the archbishopric of Tuam were in the King’s hand due to the death of William de Bermingham, late Archbishop, when they were delivered to the new archbishop, Malachias McKeth. In that time £8 19s 4d in receipts came from the demesnes lands, meadows and rents in the manors of Tuam, Moyo, Kilmen and Cong with their associated lands in Connacht. Other sources of income generated £180 18s 4½d in receipts. From these incomes the escheator had to deduct £2 14s in rent from 114 acres of demesne land because it was sown before the Archbishop’s death.[151]

Waterford bishopric

Between the feast of St. Peter (29^th June) and St. Michael (29^th September), 1242, the bishopric of Waterford was in the king’s hand and under the management of Joce the clerk. In that time 57s in income was realised.[152]

From the vigil of the Annunciation of the Blessed Virgin Mary 1274 to the quindene of the nativity (8^th September) 1275 the crown collected £33 7s 2d in receipts. These came from such places as Kilcatherac, Kilronan, Kilmaclec, Ballydermot and Ballygomor.[153]

In the papal taxation of 1302-6 the rent and revenues of the Bishopric of Waterford was valued at £18 and elsewhere it was valued at £22 13s 4d.[154]

After the death of Matthew, Bishop of Waterford, the temporalities were only briefly held by the King when they were delivered to the dean and chapter to hold during the vacancy by a writ delivered to the Exchequer on 18^th December 1322. Therefore the escheator collected no income and left us no idea of what amount that income could have been.[155]

From 27^th June 1337 until 3^rd October 1337 (14 weeks) the escheator collected £4 14s 3d from the temporalities of the Bishopric of Waterford while in the King’s hand. This income came from the rent and issues of demesne lands, meadows, betagh rents, farmers and free tenants. The annual income from these sources was £9 8s 6d. In addition 10s came from the harvest by the betaghs and 3½d from the profits of the courts (annual amount 1s 2d). The total amount collected was £5 4s 6½d and from this was deducted 1s 4d from the rent from one carucates and 24 acres of land sown with seed and fallow since before the death of Bishop Nicholas (each acre worth 4d yearly).[156]

For later records relating to the income and property of the Waterford bishopric and the cathedral there is a rental of Waterford cathedral for 1427 in the National Library of Ireland (N.L.I., MS D1606).[157] The Irish Manuscripts Commission recently (2013) published an edition of The Register of St. Saviour’s Chantry of Waterford, edited by Niall Byrne which gives some financial information of the late fifteenth century cathedral and of a medieval chantry chapel.

In September 1660 Joshua Boyle wrote an account of the temporalities of Waterford which were transcribed by Rev. W.H. Rennison. This document is an invaluable record and along with other information can give a detailed picture of the medieval temporalities.[158]

The old medieval cathedral at Waterford

Conclusion

The study of Irish economic history in medieval times is a subject much neglected. In the last few decades scholars have moved away from the usual political and military history into the area of economic and social studies. This article has shown the difficulties of research medieval economic history because of gaps in the surviving records, the limited reach of the royal government and the time of the year in which the report was made. If a gale day for paying the rent didn’t occur when the escheator held the bishopric then the bishopric can appear poorer than it actually was.  

These difficulties also make it hard to compared each diocese against each other as you cannot be certain that you are comparing like with like. It is also difficult to compare an Irish bishopric to those in England as conditions were different. The Irish bishop was troubled economically by war and unrest along with the difficulties of working in a land of two nations, Irish and English, and there troubles at living together. Yet it is important to get some measure of the wealth of a bishopric. Studies in England have shown that it is the wealth of the bishop that provides the major source of the finances for a cathedral and where a cathedral is rebuilt such as at Exeter.[161]

In other areas the study of the bishopric estates may lead to discoveries about Ireland before the Norman invasion of 1169. It is very possibly that estates owned by the various bishops were church property for centuries before the Normans and may well have been church property before the introduction of Christianity.[162]

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[1] John A. Watt, ‘English law and the Irish church: the reign of Edward 1’, in Medieval Studies presented to Aubrey Gwynn, S.J., edited by J.A. Watt, J.B. Morrall and F.X. Martin  (Three Candles, Dublin, 1961), pp. 138, 141

[2] A.J. Otway-Ruthven, A  history of Medieval Ireland (Ernest Benn, London, 1980), p. 132

[3] Paul Dryburgh and Brendan Smith (eds.), Handbook and Select Calendar of Sources for Medieval Ireland in the National Archives of the United Kingdom (Four Courts Press, Dublin, 2005), pp. 153, 154, 155

[4] John A. Watt, ‘English law and the Irish church: the reign of Edward 1’, in Medieval Studies presented to Aubrey Gwynn, S.J., edited by J.A. Watt, J.B. Morrall and F.X. Martin, p. 135

[5] John A. Watt, ‘English law and the Irish church: the reign of Edward 1’, in Medieval Studies presented to Aubrey Gwynn, S.J., edited by J.A. Watt, J.B. Morrall and F.X. Martin, p. 141

[6] 39^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1907), p. 43

[7] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland (5 vols. Kraus reprint, 1974), vol. 2 (1252-1284), no. 77

[8] 44^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1912), pp. 37, 54

[9] 42^nd Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1911), p. 58

[10] 44^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 28

[11] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, vol. 5 (1302-1307), p. 294

[12] 44^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, pp. 28, 54

[13] 44^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 56

[14] Philomena Connolly, Medieval Record Sources (Four Courts Press, Dublin, 2002), p. 42

[15] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, vol. 1 (1171-1251), no. 335

[16] 36^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1904), pp. 23, 61

[17] A.J. Otway-Ruthven, A  history of Medieval Ireland, p. 133

[18] 39^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 23

[19] 39^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, pp. 28, 58

[20] 42^nd Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 14

[21] 39^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, pp. 29, 58

[22] 42^nd Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 14

[23] 39^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 29

[24] 39^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 40

[25] 39^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 43

[26] 39^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 43

[27] 39^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 44

[28] 39^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 61

[29] 39^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, pp. 63, 64

[30] 42^nd Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, pp. 13, 15, 22, 34, 39, 44

[31] 42^nd Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, pp. 15, 23

[32] 42^nd Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 18

[33] 42^nd Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 35

[34] 42^nd Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, pp. 35, 38

[35] 42^nd Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 58

[36] 42^nd Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 59

[37] 44^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 28

[38] 44^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, pp. 32, 54

[39] 44^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 35

[40] 44^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, pp. 38, 44

[41] 44^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 36

[42] 44^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 53

[43] Philomena Connolly, Medieval Record Sources, p. 43

[44] Rev. Aubrey Gwynn, The medieval province of Armagh 1470-1545 (Dundalgan Press, Dundalk, 1946), pp. 86-94

[45] 38^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1906), p. 83

[46] 42^nd Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 18

[47] 42^nd Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, pp. 19, 23

[48] 42^nd Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 33

[49] 44^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, pp. 20, 42

[50] 44^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 56

[51] 44^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, pp. 59, 60

[52] 38^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 69

[53] 42^nd Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 57

[54] Philomena Connolly, Medieval Record Sources, p. 43

[55] 36^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1904), p. 61

[56] 36^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 30

[57] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, vol. 5 (1302-1307), p. 310

[58] Nicholas Orme and Jon Cannon, Westbury-on-Trym: Monastery, Minster and College (Bristol Record Society, Vol. 62, 2010), p. 38

[59] 42^nd Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 36

[60] 42^nd Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 37

[61] 42^nd Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, pp. 45, 56

[62] 44^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, pp. 34, 54

[63] Paul MacCotter, A History of the Medieval Diocese of Cloyne (Columba Press, Blackrock, 2013), pp. 83, 85, 88, 89, 90

[64] Philomena Connolly, Medieval Record Sources, p. 43

[65] 36^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 30

[66] 36^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 60

[67] 38^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 83

[68] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, vol. 5 (1302-1307), pp. 307, 318

[69] 42^nd Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 35

[70] Jocelyn Otway-Ruthven, ‘The medieval church lands of Co. Dublin’, in Medieval Studies presented to Aubrey Gwynn, S.J., edited by J.A. Watt, J.B. Morrall and F.X. Martin, pp. 54, 56, 57, 58, 59

[71] Philomena Connolly, Medieval Record Sources, p. 42

[72] 35^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1903), p. 33

[73] 36^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 23

[74] 36^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, pp. 36, 37

[75] 36^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, pp. 41, 42

[76] 36^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 60

[77] 38^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 46

[78] 38^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, pp. 58, 59

[79] 39^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 62

[80] 39^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 64

[81] 42^nd Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, pp. 13, 15, 39

[82] 39^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 65

[83] 42^nd Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 17

[84] 42^nd Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, pp. 13, 14, 17, 35; 44^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, pp. 32, 57

[85] 42^nd Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, pp. 21, 22, 23, 24, 25

[86] 44^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 35

[87] 42^nd Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 39

[88] 44^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, pp. 54, 55

[89] 44^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 55

[90] Philomena Connolly, Medieval Record Sources, p. 43

[91] 44^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 32

[92] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, vol. 1 (1171-1251), no. 2683

[93] 39^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 30

[94] 44^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 56

[95] 36^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 61

[96] 39^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 43

[97] 42^nd Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 37

[98] 44^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 29

[99] 36^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 23; H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, vol. 2 (1252-1284), p. 917

[100] 36^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 30; A. Gwynn & R.N. Hadcock, Medieval Religious Houses Ireland (Irish Academic Press, Blackrock, 1988), p. 77

[101] 35^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 34

[102] 36^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 30

[103] 36^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 60

[104] 38^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 83

[105] 44^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, pp. 28, 35

[106] 44^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 30

[107] 44^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, pp. 32, 33, 41

[108] 36^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, pp. 60, 61

[109]36^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 61

[110] 38^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 79

[111] 42^nd Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 17

[112] 42^nd Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, pp. 34, 45

[113] 42^nd Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 56

[114] 36^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 30

[115] 39^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 30

[116] 42^nd Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 30

[117] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, vol. 1 (1171-1251), no. 713 

[118] 36^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 23

[119] 38^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 40

[120] 38^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 83

[121] 39^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 43

[122] 39^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, pp. 60, 63

[123] 42^nd Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, pp. 14, 22, 34, 44

[124] 44^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 37

[125] 44^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 57

[126] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, vol. 2 (1252-1284), no. 236

[127] Robert C. Simington (ed.), The Civil Survey A.D. 1654-1656 County of Waterford Vol. VI with appendices (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1942), pp. xxv-xxxi

[128] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, vol. 2 (1252-1284), no. 267

[129] 36^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 60

[130] 39^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 30

[131] 42^nd Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, pp. 45, 56

[132] 44^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 26

[133] 44^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, pp. 31, 39

[134] Rev. W.H. Rennison, ‘Joshua Boyle’s Accompt of the Temporalities of the Bishopricks of Waterford’, in the Journal of the Cork Historical and Archaeological Society, vol. 32, pp. 42, 47-49, 78-85; Ibid, vol. 33, pp. 42-47, 83-86

[135] Robert C. Simington (ed.), The Civil Survey A.D. 1654-1656 County of Waterford Vol. VI with appendices, p. xxx

[136] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, vol. 2 (1252-1284), no. 152

[137] 36^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 60

[138] 42^nd Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, pp. 32, 33

[139] 42^nd Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, pp. 35, 36

[140] Philomena Connolly, Medieval Record Sources, pp. 42, 43

[141] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, vol. 1 (1171-1251), no. 2022

[142] 38^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 83

[143] 42^nd Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 19

[144] 42^nd Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 19

[145] 44^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 54

[146] Philomena Connolly, Medieval Record Sources, p. 44

[147] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, vol. 5 (1302-1307), p. 293; A. Gwynn & R.N. Hadcock, Medieval Religious Houses Ireland, p. 96

[148] 44^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 57

[149] 36^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 30

[150] 36^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 61

[151] 39^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, pp. 42, 43

[152] 35^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 33

[153] 36^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 30

[154] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, vol. 5 (1302-1307), pp. 303, 321

[155] 42^nd Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 45

[156] 45^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1913), p. 48

[157] Philomena Connolly, Medieval Record Sources, p. 44

[158] Rev. W.H. Rennison, ‘Joshua Boyle’s Accompt of the Temporalities of the Bishopricks of Waterford’, in the Journal of the Cork Historical and Archaeological Society, vol. 32, pp. 42-46; Ibid, vol. 33, pp. 83-86

[159] 36^th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland, p. 61

[160]

[161] M.D. O'Sullivan, Italian Merchant Bankers in Ireland in the Thirteenth Century (Allen Figgis, Dublin, 1962), p. 40; Audrey M. Erskine (ed.), The accounts of the fabric of Exeter cathedral, 1279-1353, Part 1: 1279-1326 (Devon & Cornwall Record Society, 1981), pp. ix, x

[162] Kevin Down, ‘Colonial society and economy’, in A new history of Ireland, Vol. II: Medieval Ireland 1169-1534, edited by Art Cosgrove (Oxford University Press, 2008), p. 415