Dungarvan Castle: an outline
history
Niall C.E.J. O’Brien
The present layout of Dungarvan castle in County Waterford possibly
began in the late twelfth century. Earlier stone castles, like Trim, had the
keep in the middle of the courtyard. At Dungarvan the keep is incorporated into
the curtain wall. Similar layouts are at the castles at Carrickfergus,
Carlingford, Cahir and Nenagh to name but a few. Stone castles that came after
Dungarvan were of a curtain wall without a keep inside. Instead the
accommodation buildings within the castle were provided by the circular corner
towers or as a lean-to building off the curtain wall. Examples of this type of
castle include Kilkenny, Roscommon, Ballymoon and Swords.[1]
But viewing the present layout of Dungarvan castle can be deceptive as to its structural
history as we shall see below. The historical account of Dungarvan castle is
also rich and varied from royal castle to private castle and royal castle again
to military barracks followed by police barracks and police station to the
present tourist attraction.
Origins of the castle
By the Treaty of Windsor in October 1175 the Normans kept Waterford city
and all the land between it and Dungarvan.[2]
This was possibly shortly after the time when a motte and bailey castle was
built on Gallow’s Hill at the landward entrance to the promontory upon which
Dungarvan town sits. In 2015-6 an archaeological project began to investigate
the Gallow’s Hill motte which some believe was built upon a Bronze Age burial
mound.[3] The
stone castle at the present site in the north-east corner of Dungarvan town was
possibly started in the late twelfth century or early thirteenth.
The castle in the thirteenth
century
In 1204 Domhnall O Faolain, last Prince of the Decies, granted the
cantred of Dungarvan to King John by gift or coercion. In September 1205 a
grant of one of five burgage plots was made to Conall Priory and Llanthony
Abbey. These burgage plots point to a town already in existence at that time.[4]
In 1210 the Bishop of Waterford was in dispute with the Bishop of
Lismore over who had the better authority. The Bishop of Waterford entered the
Diocese of Lismore and committed great damage and came to Lismore where he put
the Bishop of Lismore under arrest. The Bishop of Lismore was then taken to
Dungarvan castle and kept for a time in the dungeon.[5] This
would seem to be an early reference to the stone castle.
In 1215 Maurice Fitzgerald made a fine of sixty marks with the King to
have the lands in Ireland belonging to his father Gerald along with the castles
of Crumech and Dungarvan. On 5th July 1215 King John wrote to the
justiciar of Ireland to grant Maurice’s request having found security for the
sixty marks.[6]
Meanwhile on 3rd July 1215 King John granted to Thomas Fitz Anthony
custody of County Waterford and the castles of Dungarvan and Waterford along
with custody of the County of Desmond with the city of Cork. For this Thomas
Fitz Anthony was to pay the Crown 250 marks per year. Thomas was to pay at his
own cost for the maintenance of the two king’s castles while he would be
reimbursed for any expenses at fortifying castles in the King’s escheats that
came under his custody.[7] This
grant to Thomas Fitz Anthony was until King John or his heirs paid a fine to
Thomas and his heirs for recovery.[8]
For more on Thomas Fitz Anthony see http://celtic2realms-medievalnews.blogspot.ie/2015/02/thomas-fitz-anthony-thirteenth-century.html
Also in 1215 King John granted a charter to three seaports in Ireland,
namely, Dublin, Waterford and Dungarvan. This was the beginning of the
corporate existence of the town although the actual town existed for many years
before that. Dungarvan was given the same liberties and free customs as
Breteuil in Normandy. It was probably around 1210/15 that the new Dungarvan
castle was built within the town boundary. This replaced or was contemporary
with the old motte and bailey castle on Gallow’s Hill to the west of the town.[9]
The stone castle formed the north-east corner of the new town with the parish
church on the south-east corner. A wall was built around the town in the
sixteenth century although in 1356 provision to fund a stone wall was given to
the burgesses and in the 1460s provision to fund a town wall was given to the
Earls of Desmond.[10]
In 1223 Thomas Fitz Anthony lost the Counties of Waterford and Cork
along with Dungarvan because he failed to show proper title deeds when asked by
the government of Henry III.[11] In
December 1226 King Henry III granted to Richard de Burgh custody of the
Counties of Waterford and Cork along with Dungarvan castle. In September 1232
Dungarvan castle was granted to Peter de Rivall along with many other royal
castles in Ireland, the prisage of the wines along with the offices of treasurer
and chamberlain of the Exchequer. Peter de Rivall was one of a group of
Poitevin courtiers who had taken control of the government from the English
administrators of King Henry III including Hubert de Burgh, uncle of Richard de
Burgh. In January 1233 Richard de Burgh was told to deliver Dungarvan castle
and the King’s castles at Limerick, Drogheda, and Rinndun to the agents of
Peter de Rivall. Following the fall from power in England of Peter de Rivall
the royal castles were restored to crown control.[12]
In 1235 the sheriff of County Waterford, Maurice de Porta, made payments
to the constable of Dungarvan castle. Unfortunately the amount paid was not
stated but was part of a figure of £128 which also included payments for
harvest operations and buying canvas for the sail of a new boat among other
items. In 1242 Henry III granted a yearly fair (31 July-7 August) to the King’s
manor of Dungarvan.[13] In
1257 carpenters at Dungarvan made brattices to take to Wales for English
castles there. The brattice was a
small wooden structure, sometimes temporary, that projected out beyond the main
part of a castle wall, so as to give flanking fire along that wall whilst still
offering some degree of protection.[14] In
1258 John le Poer was keeper of Dungarvan castle for the Crown and was paid £6
16s 10d for the Hilary term or a quarter of the year with the same fee for the
Easter term.[15]
On 7th November 1259 John Fitzgerald, known as John of Callan,
was made constable of Dungarvan castle and custody of the caste remained with
the Fitzgerald family until the sixteenth century with a few breaks in between.
The grant by Prince Edward contained some conditions. If war occurred in
Ireland or the King suspected John of disloyalty the castle must be surrendered
to royal officials. The castle should also come under royal control if John
left a female heir and would return to Fitzgerald control on the succession of
a male heir or if the female should marry.[16]
At the inquisition post mortem for John Fitzgerald held in 1282 the jury
said that John held Dungarvan castle at the time of his death and 3½ cantreds
of Decies with the shrievalty of Waterford.[17] But
John’s acquisition of Dungarvan and the land of Decies was termed illegal as
the royal writ granting him the land was not executed before John took control.
This was because King Henry had entrusted the land of Ireland to his under-aged
son, Prince Edward and the counties, castles, lands and tenements of Ireland
were not to be separated from the Crown. Thus the grant to John Fitzgerald
should not have happen or at least until King Henry approved it. John
Fitzgerald refused to attend the Dublin council to sort out his claim as he
regarded the Decies as his inheritance from Thomas FitzAnthony, his
father-in-law, and in February 1260 formerly annexed the Decies to his
Fitzgerald lordship. John’s death in battle at Callan near Kenmare in 1261
along with his son, Maurice Fitzgerald left a one year old child as heir,
Thomas Fitzmaurice Fitzgerald.[18]
During his long minority the Crown assumed control of Dungarvan castle.
Evolution of the castle structure
Dungarvan castle is normally included with the group of medieval castles
that have the keep as part of the curtain wall but this is misleading as to the
structural history of the castle. Excavations in the 1990s by Dave Pollock and
others has shown a castle which evolved over many centuries into the layout we
see today. The first part of the stone castle was the shell keep which was
built in what was then the sea. The polygonal shell keep was thus surrounded by
water. The shell keep contained the great hall with apartments above. The keep
was connected to the mainland by a wooden bridge. On the mainland there a was
small yard enclosed by a low wall.[19]
This layout remained in place until about 1260. In 1262-3 money was
spent constructing new buildings. By 1298 the round tower was built in the
north-west corner of the yard where it stands today. The surrounding wall was
raised and made thicker at about the same time. In the same late thirteenth
century period the corner gatehouse with the two D-shaped towers was built with
a vaulted passage overhead along with portcullis grove and a murder-hole.[20]
The shell keep was still surrounded by the sea filled moat in the late
thirteenth century which made the yard between the walls and the moat very
small. In the fourteenth century as the curtain wall was complete it is
possible that the moat was then filled in. at some time a square tower was
built in the north-east angle of the curtain wall and this was later superseded
by a round tower which no longer survives.[21] The
now completed medieval castle remained as built throughout the fourteenth and
fifteenth centuries. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries with advances
in gun powder and the quality of cannon changes were made to the castle. Port
holes for hand guns were made in the walls and the entrance to the shell keep
was widened to take gun carriages. A gun platform was made on top of the gate
house and a clay bank was placed inside the curtain wall to absorb cannon shot.[22]
In the late seventeenth century the north curtain wall was rebuilt and
in the eighteenth century two projecting wings facing southwards was built onto
the east-west barrack building erected in the late seventeenth century. After
the 1922 fire the east projecting wing was demolished to leave the L shaped
building of today. By 1840 the seaward side of the castle was filled in by the
present roadway and buildings were erected up against the west curtain wall on
the land side some of which still survive.
Dungarvan castle c.1350 by Dave Pollock
Royal control of Dungarvan castle
in thirteenth century
Meanwhile back at the history of Dungarvan castle we find that from at least
1261, if not before, the castle was in the custody of the royal government. In
1261 William le Ercedeacne and in 1262 Robert son of Warin were in charge of
the Honor of Dungarvan. In their filed accounts to the Dublin Exchequer no
mention is made of Dungarvan castle but it is very likely that they also had
the custody of the castle.[23]
In the next sheriff accounts for County Waterford we get very exciting
information on Dungarvan castle. In the year from April 1262 to April 1263
William de la Rochelle was sheriff of County Waterford. In that year he
accounted for 40 marks delivered to Robert Brun and William Fitz Peter, wardens
of the works at Dungarvan castle. The overseers of the payments were Audoen
Map, Geoffrey Map and Roger le Servant. The castle was at that time the
property of Prince Edward (the future King Edward I) as Lord of Ireland. in
1254 King Henry III had granted all of Ireland except the cities of Dublin and
Limerick and Athlone castle to his eldest son, Edward. In the same year of
1262-3 Prince Edward ordered the sheriff to spent 50s upon ten thousand
shingles to cover the roof of the castle. Prince Edward also ordered 68s to be
spent on building a house within the castle on what appears to be the site of a
ruined building.[24]
In about 1270, during the time of John D’Audeley as justiciar of
Ireland, William of London was constable of Dungarvan castle and sheriff of
County Waterford. In July 1276 an order was sent by King Edward to the
justiciar and Exchequer at Dublin to allow William all the expenditure he spent
on Dungarvan castle and to pay the arrears of his fee as sheriff of County
Waterford. This was a reward for the past good service of William to the King.[25]
William of London was not the only constable at Dungarvan to wait for
his fees. His successor, John de Baskerville, also had problems. John de
Baskerville was employed as constable of the castle from 27th
October 1271 until 27th October 1272. John de Baskerville was paid
some money for his time but had to wait nearly ten years before receiving his
full salary. In 1281-82 his attorney, Thomas de Sallow, got £10 from the Dublin
Exchequer towards the arrears of John’s fee. This was because no set fee was
established to Baskerville for holding Dungarvan. In July 1281 the Dublin
Exchequer was told to pay Baskerville the same fee as the constables of other
royal castles received. By May 1282 John de Baskerville was still out of pocket
and King Edward directed the justiciar to pay his fee for Dungarvan as John de
Baskerville incurred great expense on the King’s service in Wales.[26]
Yet John de Baskerville didn’t get his full wages for Dungarvan. In 1286
his widow, Joan de Baskerville petitioned for the 40 marks due and got a writ
to pay the amount. The writ to pay said that Joan’s children were left almost
destitute by their father’s death and that Joan needed the money to support her
children. But Nicholas de Clare, the treasurer of Ireland wouldn’t execute the
writ. Instead he told the merchants of Lucca to pay Joan the 40 marks. But
still nothing happened and the matter dragged on until 1289 when Joan finally
got the money.[27]
On 29th January 1274 Walter de la Haye was allowed, as
constable of Dungarvan castle, to have the issues of his bailiwick as previous
constables were allowed to have. A letter was sent to the Barons of the Dublin
Exchequer to make this happen. But the Dublin Exchequer were slow at
implementation and before Easter 1274 Walter de la Haye wrote to the Chancellor
(of England?) seeking his due allowances and that he had rendered his account
for the Michaelmas term.[28]
During this same period Walter de la Haye was also sheriff of County Waterford.
On 14th June 1275 King Edward granted that Walter de la Haye
should continue as sheriff of County Waterford and constable of Dungarvan
castle until further orders. This was by way of reward for Walter regularly
answering for his activities in Waterford. In December 1275 King Edward
instructed to the justiciar to retain Walter de la Haye as sheriff and
constable because he again continued to act properly and faithfully in the
discharge of his duties. The Justiciar of Ireland, Geoffrey de Geneville had
previously written to the King about Walter’s good conduct and that the King’s
officers who act properly should not be removed.[29] In
1276-7 Walter de la Haye accounted for £164 17s 4 ½ d collected as sheriff. He
paid £60 3s 7 ½ d to the Dublin exchequer and was allowed the balance for his
custody of Dungarvan castle and expenditure spent on same.[30]
But changes elsewhere in the government of Ireland meant that Walter de la
Haye had his job under threat. In June 1276 Robert de Ufford was made the new
justiciar of Ireland. On 26th July 1276 Walter de la Haye was
ordered to deliver up Dungarvan castle to the new justiciar. Walter’s good
administration helped him get credit with the new justiciar and he kept his job
as sheriff of Waterford until the 1280s. Like other Dungarvan constables Walter
de la Haye had to wait a long time for his full wages. In October 1282 a writ
was sent to the Dublin Exchequer to pay Walter the same fee as other constables
were allowed in previous times.[31]
Yet this could have been difficult if as in the Baskerville case when no set
fee was established. The fee at other royal castles at the time were; Roscommon
£60, Athlone £40, Dublin £1 5s, Limerick £6 13 4d and Drogheda £5.[32]
While Dungarvan was in royal control, Thomas Fitzmaurice Fitzgerald and
his guardians filed their claim that the castle should be in Fitzgerald
control. But King Edward recovered the castle from Thomas Fitz Maurice
following a court case. This was based on the acquisition of Dungarvan and the
land of Decies by Thomas’s grandfather, John of Callan before the royal writ
was executed.[33] But a
few years later the King changed his mind and in June 1284 King Edward granted
Thomas Fitzmaurice Fitzgerald custody of Cork prison and Dungarvan castle but
he was to maintain both buildings at his own cost.[34]
In 1290 Reginald Brun was threaten with prison in Dungarvan castle by Robert de
Stapleton, sheriff of Waterford, for a debt of 20 marks.[35]
In February 1292 King Edward granted Dungarvan castle to Thomas Fitz
Maurice and Margaret de Berkeley his wife along with the homages, rents and
services of all tenants, both English and Irish, belonging to the lands of
Decies and Desmond to hold at farm for 200 marks per year. In 1300 the manor of
Dungarvan and the land of Decies was worth £137 5s beyond the rent.[36]
At his death of Thomas Fitz Maurice in 1298 he had seisin of Dungarvan
castle along with many properties across Munster. But the castle was not in
good condition with the main shell keep unroofed with walls nearly levelled to
the ground. A new tower nearby was also unroofed and a stone house beyond the
gate was in poor condition and badly roofed. The inquisition jury said that the
castle was in need of ‘great improvement’ with big expenditure to maintain it.[37]
For more on Thomas Fitz Maurice Fitzgerald see http://celtic2realms-medievalnews.blogspot.ie/2015/02/thomas-apa-fitz-maurice-of-desmond_28.html
After the grant of Dungarvan castle to Thomas Fitz Maurice later
sheriffs of County Waterford do not include any reference to the castle in
their accounts. This absence from the government records is not made good by
the Fitzgerald archive as much of their records were destroyed in numerous wars
and rebellions. Our account of Dungarvan castle thus enters a dark-age period
in which we only get snap shots on its history until the sixteenth century.
South curtain wall Dungarvan castle looking towards gatehouse
The castle in the fourteenth
century
When Maurice Fitzgerald became first Earl of Desmond in 1329 he was
given remission of the yearly rent due to the Crown for Dungarvan and was
granted the advowson of Dungarvan church.[38]
But when he rebelled against the Crown and the English settlers of Munster the
castle of Dungarvan was seized by the Crown. In the 1330s John de Staplitoun
(sheriff of Waterford), Adam le Poer of Ballydoun and Hamund de Gascoigne were
at various times constable of Dungarvan castle. But unlike the earlier Walter
de la Haye the three musketeers were not good at sending their accounts to
Dublin. They were fined £2 which they paid before 1335.[39]
In the 1340s it appears that the Crown still held Dungarvan castle. In
1348-49 Walter de Nerford received £21 4s 10d from the Dublin Exchequer because
his account as constable of Dungarvan was in surplus.[40]
In 1369 the castle and manor of Dungarvan along with the Black Castle
were granted to William of Windsor, the viceroy of Ireland, and his heirs.[41]
In 1373-4 Dungarvan castle was regarded as a royal castle under Crown control. An
Exchequer document of that time said that Edward Fitz John le Poer was obliged
to pay 2s in annual rent at Dungarvan castle for a messuage and one carucate of
land at Ballylagh which he held of the King
in capite.[42]
Shortly after Dungarvan castle had passed to Gerald Fitz Maurice
Fitzgerald, 3rd Earl of Desmond.[43] On
the first visit to Ireland by King Richard II (October 1394) the question of
Dungarvan castle came up for discussion. In January 1395 Gerald Fitzgerald, 3rd
Earl of Desmond was called on to prove his rights to the castle, town and manor
of Dungarvan.[44]
The castle in the fifteenth
century
In 1420 John Fitzgerald, Earl of Desmond, held the manor and town of
Dungarvan which was worth 100s and no more because it was wasted by the Irish
enemies of the King. The inquisition post mortem taken at his death doesn’t
specifically say that he held Dungarvan castle but it is presumed that he did.[45]
Yet some contemporaries doubted the Desmond title to the Decies. In 1444-5
James Fitzgerald, 6th Earl of Desmond, was pardoned for intrusion
upon the land of the Decies.[46]
In 1463 a statute was enacted (Roll’s Office, 3rd Edward IV,
No. 8) which stated that the town and castle of Dungarvan was in a great state
of decay and should be seized into the King’s hand. Once seized the town and
castle would be leased to Thomas Fitzgerald, 8th Earl of Desmond,
for sixty years. The Earl was empowered to receive the customs of the town and
with this money repair the walls of the town and castle. At the same time
another act of Parliament incorporated the own with new government of a
portreeve and commons.[47]
Despite these Acts of Parliament the Earls of Desmond found it hard to
control Dungarvan, particularly after the execution in 1468 of Thomas Fitzgerald,
8th Earl of Desmond. In 1495 Maurice Fitzthomas Fitzgerald, Earl of
Desmond, supported the political and military campaign of Perkin Warbeck to
become King of England. In that year the Earl landed vessels at Youghal and
attacked Dungarvan before proceeding up the River Blackwater to attack the
Fitzgeralds of Dromana.[48]
Perkin Warbeck failed to become King and Dungarvan continued to resist the Earl
of Desmond to gain control.
The castle in the sixteenth
century
Due to the destruction and elimination of the Earldom of Desmond towards
the end of the sixteenth century the documentary archive of that Earldom
suffered considerable loss. The First and Second Desmond rebellions were the
most destructive period for the archive but there were possible losses at other
times. The absence of an archive like that at Kilkenny castle belonging to the
Earldom of Ormond means that apart from a mention or two in government
documents we have little in the way of detailed information on Dungarvan castle
in medieval times. In the sixteenth century the Tudor re-conquest of Ireland
produced a lot of documents relating to Dungarvan castle and after the
government took over control we get even more information. As much of the
information relating to Dungarvan castle after 1600 is still in manuscript
form, the published archive of the sixteenth century makes that century stand
out in the history of the castle in a disproportional manner.
At the start of the sixteenth century Dungarvan castle was still part of
the property of the Earls of Desmond. In 1513 an act was passed confirming
ownership of the castle to the Crown but this proved ineffective in the
execution and so the Earls of Desmond retained possession.[49] With
much of the ancient Fitzgerald inheritance in County Waterford in the hands of
the Fitzgeralds of Dromana, a junior branch of the Earls of Desmond, Dungarvan
castle was an important fort to control the junior branch and other gentry. But
the Dromana Fitzgeralds wanted more freedom and not greater control. In the
early 1520s the Dromana Fitzgeralds refused to accept paying for the food and
lodging for the Earl’s galloglass. The Earl of Desmond went into County
Waterford with a large force to impose his will but instead he was met by a
larger force that included the Earl of Ormond, MacCarthy Muskerry and Sir
Thomas Fitzgerald. The Earl was forced to retreat into Dungarvan castle where
he was besieged by his enemies. With no sign of a relief force, the Earl had to
escape from the castle by the sea with much difficulty.[50]
In 1529 the new Earl of Desmond, Thomas Fitzgerald made a treaty with
the Fitzgeralds of Dromana. By its terms the Fitzgeralds of Dromana were relied
from entertainment expenses whenever the Earl entered County Waterford. The
Fitzgerald tenants in County Waterford were also relieved of the practice of
assembling in military formation when the Earl came to visit. The Dromana
Fitzgeralds were also given the right to defend Dungarvan castle against the
Earl’s forces and take a third of the port income.[51]
Meanwhile in 1528 King Henry VIII had different plans for Dungarvan
castle. In that year he granted to Sir Piers Butler, Earl of Ossory, all the
lands, castles, tenements, meadows, pastures, woods, and lordships that he
could conquer in the land of Ossory. Henry VIII also granted Sir Piers Butler
the castle, manor and lordship of Dungarvan. The defeat by the Earl of Ossory
of Richard Power, an ally of the Earl of Desmond in County Waterford, had
opened the road to taking Dungarvan.[52] The
King said that James Fitzgerald, Earl of Desmond, wrongfully detained the
castle and manor. This was because the sixty year lease made by the Crown to
the Earls of Desmond in 1463 had expired and wasn’t renewed.[53] If
Piers could recover the castle then he could be seneschal, constable and
governor of the castle and manor. After capturing the castle Sir Piers Butler
was allow £100 from the annual rents and profits of the manor above which he
was to given account at the Dublin Exchequer. The grant of Dungarvan and the
office of constable were given to Sir Piers Butler, his son James Butler and
his son when it would revert to the crown. But the whole grant was not to take
effect until Sir Piers Butler could capture Dungarvan castle from the Earl of
Desmond.[54]
As the Butlers prepared to set out for Dungarvan with a military force
to take the castle they didn’t always come with hostile intend. Some years
before 1532 Edmund Butler, elder brother of Sir Piers Butler, travelled to
Dungarvan to meet Ellen, niece of Gerrot, with the intention of marrying her.
Edmund Butler stayed three nights in Dungarvan before going on to Gerrot’s
house and brought Ellen back to Carrick-on-Suir. Together they had a son,
Theobald Butler. In 1532 Sir Piers Butler produced witnesses to say that Edmund
and Ellen never married and that Theobald was an illegitimate child and thus,
even though he was earlier in the succession to the Earldom of Ormond, had no
valid claim to the title and lands.[55]
There was also a time when the government had few problems visiting
Dungarvan without using military force. In 1532 the prise wines collected at
the ports of Youghal and Dungarvan were claimed by both the Earl of Ormond and
the Earl of Desmond. Commissioners travelled to Waterford city where they met
the Earl of Ormond (then using the title Earl of Ossory) and examined his royal
letters for collecting the amounts due. The Commissioners waited twenty-one
days in Waterford but the Earl of Desmond, nor his attorney, showed up. The
Lord Deputy directed the Commissioners to go to Dungarvan and there they met
the Earl of Desmond and stayed two days and two nights examining his
documentation. On returning to Waterford the Commissioners judged that the Earl
of Ormond had the better claim to the prise wines.[56]
In May 1534 Sir Piers Butler, Earl of Ossory, and his son promised King
Henry VIII that they would, among other things, ‘do their best, with all their
possible power, to attain to the King’s possession his castle and manor of
Dungarvan’.[57] This
was the time of the Kildare rebellion. In the initial phase of the rebellion
the Kildare Fitzgeralds scored victories against the Dublin government and the
Earl of Ossory in Kilkenny. Although the Earl of Ossory did have some victories
against the Fitzgeralds he was restricted by the attacks of the Earl of Desmond
on Butler properties in County Tipperary. Dungarvan castle was a powerful
platform from where to launch these attacks. For the Dublin government and the
Earl of Ossory the capture of Dungarvan castle from the Earls of Desmond was
essential to maintain peace in Counties Tipperary and Waterford.[58]
In September 1535 Sir William Skeffington, the Lord Deputy of Ireland, James
Butler and others (including Edmund Sexton, then mayor of Limerick) went to
Dungarvan to take the castle by water and land but the constable would not
surrender it. James Butler was prepared to attack the castle with cannon but
the cost of rebuilding afterwards would bring displease to the King. Nevertheless
a six hour cannon attack was mounted and breached the east wall of the castle.
Sir John St. Lowe asked to take his foot company on an assault which was
granted. But an earthen rampart inside the castle prevented entry. Instead the
Lord Deputy entered negotiations with the constable who, at 4 o’clock, agreed
to yield up the castle without further action. The Lord Deputy delivered the
castle to the Earl of Ossory. By October 1535 Sir Thomas Butler was constable
of the castle.[59]
Later, at some unknown date, King Henry VIII granted the office of
seneschal, constable and governor of Dungarvan castle and manor to James
Butler, Earl of Ormond, with an annual revenue from the rents and profits. But
just as the crown wanted the Earls of Desmond to be removed from Dungarvan castle
for unpaid rents to the Crown, it seems the Butlers were no better at paying
what rents were due from Dungarvan. By 1540 James Butler, Earl of Ormond, owned
£450 for three years unpaid rent. The rent for the castle and manor of
Dungarvan was £150 per annum. In July 1544 Henry VIII remitted and pardoned the
Earl of Ormond for the arrears due to the Crown for Dungarvan manor. But an
order was made to the sheriff of Dublin on 12th May 1544 to distrain
the Earl for the arrears.
This seemingly disloyal action by the Dublin government in going against
the wishes of the King was due to the ongoing actions by the Lord Deputy of
Ireland, Sir Anthony St. Leger, to curb the power of the Earl of Ormond in
Ireland. By one of the means of curbing Ormond’s power, St. Leger took away
Dungarvan castle from him and gave it to his brother, Robert St. Leger,
governor of Carlow. Even after taking possession of the castle St. Leger
continued to pursue Ormond for the unpaid rent arrears. The sheriff dually
distrained the Earl of Ormond. In reply the Earl sent his attorney, Richard
Hopwood, to show the royal pardon. On 4th July 1545 the Dublin
Barons of the Exchequer, after ‘mature deliberation’, agreed that the Earl
should be exonerated from payment of the £450 in arrears.[60]
If Dungarvan castle was subsequently restored to the Earl of Ormond it was only
for a brief time as the Dublin government took command of the castle as an
important fort to project royal authority in Counties Waterford and Tipperary.
In April 1547 Robert St. Leger received a new appointment as constable of Dungarvan
castle with the manor and all its appurtenances.[61]
In the time of Sir Edward Bellingham, Lord Deputy of Ireland, (1548) the
castle at Dungarvan was described as in ruins. The office of constable was then
held by a man named Stephenson, who was described by others as a common pirate.
Under Stephenson the castle fell into further disrepair. Sir Edward Bellingham
appointed Matthew King as constable and the latter also held the parsonage of
Dungarvan. Matthew King spent £400 on repairs to the castle. In the time of
King Edward VI (August 1550) the office of constable was granted to James
Walsh, the Lord Protector’s man, whereby Matthew King was at a loss of over
£1,000. In compensation Matthew King was granted the abbey of Abbeyleix but
lost it in a rebellion of the O’Mores of Laois. In May 1566 Matthew King wrote
to Sir William Cecil seeking compensation for his loss.[62]
At the appointment of James Walsh as constable he was to hold for life
with the service of eight gunners.[63] In
1558 James Walsh, son of Nicholas Walsh of Waterford, was still constable of
Dungarvan castle. In about 1548 James Walsh acquired the Great Island in
Wexford and in 1581 it was sold by Patrick Walsh, his heir, to Paul Sherlock.[64]
In 1559 the inhabitants of Dungarvan received royal permission to transport out
of England 200 quarters of wheat and malt and a grant of such liberties as
Wexford town had. This was made in return for a promise of the inhabitants to
repair the town wall.[65]
By 1558 Henry Stafford was constable of Dungarvan castle and in January
1558 was directed to excised martial law throughout the whole of County
Waterford.[66] On 6th
January 1561 a pardon was issued to Captain Henry Stafford, constable of
Dungarvan and also the sheriff of County Waterford.[67] But
he was removed as constable of Dungarvan castle. A document of 1566 says that
Stafford was dismissed because he colluded with pirates and was found guilty at
a trail. He was replaced by March 1566 by Ralph Morton as constable.[68]
But Henry Stafford was not for accepting this demotion and went to
England to petition the government for restoration of his position. On 28th
May 1566 Sir Warham St. Leger wrote to Sir Henry Sidney, Lord Deputy of
Ireland, saying that Henry Stafford was a gentleman of good service. But this
didn’t affect any change.[69]
Instead Lord Deputy Sidney pressed on with his own choice for constable.
In a letter to Sir William Cecil on 9th June 1566, Lord Deputy
Sidney said that he had written to the English Privy Council recommending Ralph
Morton for the job for life. Lord Deputy Sidney further asked that the
parsonage of Dungarvan be given to Morton as it formerly went with the job
although it was in recent times alienated from it. Sidney also asked for £40
from the English treasury to help Morton to buy furnishing for the castle.
Ralph Morton (the bearer of the letter to Cecil) had faithfully served the
Queen and was commended by the locals of Dungarvan.[70]
On 20th October 1566 Queen Elizabeth wrote to Sir Henry
Sidney concerning the situation of Henry Stafford. The Queen said she could
find no justifiable reason why Stafford was removed from office and informed
Sidney that Stafford’s appointment was not by any authority of the Lord Deputy.
The Queen told Sidney that she was restoring Henry Stafford to the job of
constable of Dungarvan castle and that if Sidney had any objections he was
‘with speed to advertise us (English Privy Council) at good length’. Henry
Stafford delivered the letter to Sidney which must have been an interesting
meeting.[71]
Lord Deputy Sidney still didn’t give up on Ralph Morton. On 23rd
November 1566 Sidney wrote to Sir William Cecil that Captain Morton served as
‘an honest valiant gentleman’ in the service against the rebel Shane O’Neill. Sidney
acknowledged the command of the Queen of 20th October to deliver to
Henry Stafford the job of constable of Dungarvan castle. Yet Sidney still
requested favour from Cecil to appoint Morton, or to help find another means of
reward, if impossible to get the job for his man.[72] It
would seem that Lord Deputy Sidney’s representations were unsuccessful. On a
visit to Dungarvan in the spring of 1567 Lord Deputy Sidney found the place in
need of repair.[73] On 19th
May 1567 Queen Elizabeth wrote to Lord Deputy Sidney requiring that he place
Ralph Morton in a position in the Irish government or army where he could be of
good service.[74] Later
records show that by July 1568 Ralph Morton was in recipient of a pension of 4s
per day.[75]
After the removal of Sir Henry Sidney as Lord Deputy in October 1567 Sir
William Cecil wrote a draft memorial in December 1567 recommending changes in
the government of Ireland with the establishment of more shires in Ulster along
with a President and council to govern Munster and Connacht. Cecil suggested
that Dungarvan may serve as a residence for the Munster President with the
parsonage retain as a residence. Presumingly the castle would also serve the
President but Cecil didn’t mention the castle while at the same time saying
that the Connacht President should live in Athlone castle.[76]
This recommendation was not immediately acted upon and the Munster President
petitioned London on a few occasions to have Dungarvan castle. Another 1567
document recommended a President’s council to meet at Dungarvan but that
Lismore castle would provide the local garrison with forty soldiers.[77]
The departure of Sir Henry Sidney removed any obstacles that Henry
Stafford experience in recovery the job of constable of Dungarvan castle. It
seems that by June 1567 Henry Stafford was constable.[78] By
August 1567 Henry Stafford was also involved in victualing the Irish army.[79] In
the period November 1568 to 20th March 1569 Henry Stafford was
recorded as constable of Dungarvan castle and had thirteen men (including
Henry) with an overall salary bill of £16 6s per month. His own salary was £7
16s per month.[80]
By 18th April 1569 Henry Stafford had died and the castle was
without a commander. Nicholas White wrote to Sir William Cecil that the castle
was reserved for the Lord President of Munster and so the Queen was discharged
from appointing a new constable. The cost of maintaining the castle was £200
per year and White said that the manor around Dungarvan had ‘good domain lands,
customs and fines to maintain’ the castle. Another letter from Patrick Sherlock
said that the Dungarvan garrison cost £100 per year but it is unclear if this
is just for the soldier’s wages or does it include a bill for castle
maintenance.[81] An
anonymous document, said to date to about 1569, on the establishment of the
Munster Presidency said that ‘it is necessary for him (the President) to have
the castle of Dungarvan and the constable there to be bound to put in so much
hay as may find 100 horse for the President’s use, and to have pasturing for
his beefs and muttons for his own provision during the time of his abode
there’.[82]
But the management of Dungarvan castle didn’t automatically transfer to
the new Presidency of Munster. By 24th January 1570 Lord Deputy
Sidney had appointed Henry Davells from Devonshire as the new constable. Henry
Davells had previously served as sheriff of County Carlow (1568) and was later
constable of Leighlin and the lands of the Kavanagh (1571).[83] In
1567 Henry Davells was listed among the unpaid pensioners of the government.[84] In
a letter to London, Lord Deputy Sidney asked that Davells may have an estate
for life to maintain himself in Dungarvan. Yet there was uncertainty about the
appointment of Henry Davells and as of April 1570 his position as constable was
still unconfirmed by London.[85] On
17th May 1570 Queen Elizabeth wrote to Lord Deputy Sidney that
although London had nothing against Henry Davells as to his qualifications to
be constable the choice of constable should be at the command of the Lord
President of Munster.[86]
Therefore the position was left vacant.
Yet the Lord President of Munster had difficulty in asserting his
authority to appoint as constable at Dungarvan. A few months later, in November
1570, Sir John Perrot wrote to the London government requesting troops,
supplies, income and lands for the Presidency of Munster. He also asked for a
number of abbeys and castles across the province for the use of the Presidency
as local offices including the castle and parsonage of Dungarvan.[87]
But London turned down his request for Dungarvan castle and in a change
of policy instead confirmed Henry Davells as the new constable and he was
mentioned as such in an inventory of the garrisons of Ireland made on 31st
March 1571. The inventory does not mention separately how many troops were in
Dungarvan castle at that time. Instead we are told that Dungarvan and
Ballymartyr castle had between them thirty-four soldiers costing £36 17s 4d per
month.[88] An
another inventory for April 1571 says there were thirteen soldiers at Dungarvan
castle and thirty-two in Leighlin castle where Henry Davells was also
constable. In May 1571 there were twenty foot soldiers at Dungarvan and thirty
at Leighlin. By January 1572 the numbers had returned to thirteen and
thirty-two respectively and were the same in March, June and November 1572 and
in February 1573.[89]
In March 1572, as part of a reform of the Irish government and reducing
the cost of the army, it was again proposed to transfer responsibility for
Dungarvan castle to the President of Munster who would be responsible for its
cost. Another document calls for the discharge of two horsemen belonging to
Henry Davells at Dungarvan castle to reduce costs. The government of Queen
Elizabeth was always interested in ways to govern Ireland on the cheap. In December
1574 the annual cost of the standing army was over £26,436. Much of this cost
often went unpaid and by December 1574 there was £30,629 of wages in arrears.
Addition costs were incurred by campaigning armies such as the Earl of Essex
campaign in Ulster which cost £,360 per month.[90]
The President of Munster was interested in having Dungarvan castle but
turned it down when he realised that he would have to pay the running costs. On
5th May 1572 Lord Deputy Fitzwilliam wrote to Lord Burghley to
reappoint Henry Davells as constable of Dungarvan with twelve men. The previous
Lord Deputy, Sir Henry Sidney, had made Davells constable after the Munster
President refused to take it but the position needed confirmation. This letter
may have been sent because Fitzwilliam heard rumours of another document
produced on 8th May 1572 which suggested discharging the twelve men
in Dungarvan and leave the castle empty.[91]
While constable of Dungarvan Henry Davells also acted as collector of
the customs for Youghal and Dungarvan. The money he collected in that job went
in December 1572 to pay Sir John Perrot, then President of Munster.[92]
In late 1573 Henry Davells was possibly more concerned about 120 men belonging
to Rory McGrath who were pilfering the Dungarvan area but with only thirteen
men he couldn’t do a whole lot.[93]
Following the end of the first Desmond rebellion, Gerald Fitzgerald,
Earl of Desmond, entered into a number of undertakings to have peace with the
government. By 1574 the manor of Dungarvan, which for generations was the
property of successive Earls of Desmond, was in government hands. In March 1574
Gerald Fitzgerald asked to have first option on the manor if the government
decided to grant it to another. The Earl was particularly concerned that it
would be granted to his enemies.[94]
In April 1574 Henry Davells was still constable of Dungarvan with thirteen men.
He was no longer constable of Leighlin which was held by Sir Peter Carew. On 20th
April 1574 Queen Elizabeth issued letters patent for Henry Davells to retain
Dungarvan and to have it ‘during pleasure, with such wages and entertainment as
he now receives’.[95]
In August 1574 and January 1575 Henry Davells was at Dungarvan with his twelve
men. In October 1574 these thirteen (including Henry) were broken down as the
constable along with six horsemen and six foot soldiers. Later in October 1574
the garrison consisted of one constable (Davells), six horsemen, three
harquebusiers and three archers. The wages of the soldiers was £16 16s which
presumingly is the monthly charge.[96] After
leaving Dungarvan castle Henry Davells became sheriff of Cork and was scandalously
murder in 1579 at Tralee by Sir John of Desmond, brother of the 15th
Earl of Desmond.
The castle was badly damaged in the Second Desmond Rebellion which begun
in 1579. In 1580 Dungarvan castle was described as being in an extremely
ruinous condition. Yet it was 1582 before repairs were ordered.[97] In
February 1583 there were twenty-one soldiers at Dungarvan castle as part of the
English army in Munster.[98] On
20th April 1583 a fiant was made for Anthony Hungerford, a captain
in the army, to become constable of Dungarvan castle following on the queen’s
letter of 11th February. His fee was 4s per day and he was to hold
the office as Henry Davells and William Morgan held it. Hungerford was to pay
each of his three archers 6d per day while the fifteen footmen got 8d each per
day.[99] In
1586 Anthony Hungerford was still at Dungarvan when he and his wife Margaret
received a lease on Kellistown, Co. Carlow, for 61 years at £15 per year in
rent payable to Sir Edmund Butler of Cloghgrenan, Co. Carlow.[100]
In April 1591 Thomas Butler, Earl of Ormond, was granted numerous
castles and lands in County Tipperary as a reward for his efforts to settle
English people there who would be ‘civil, loyal and dutiful subjects’. The Earl
was to hold these lands in fee farm as of the castle of Dungarvan by fealty and
paying £8 6s 8d per year for three years and £16 13s 4d thereafter to the
Dublin Exchequer.[101]
At some time in 1592 a yeoman from Dungarvan named Thomas Fay was
committed to the goal at Dungarvan castle on suspicion of murder. Henry Green
was vice-constable of the castle at the time and as such was in charge of
prisoners. By his own means or aided by others, inside or outside the castle,
Thomas Fay made a successful escape. Henry Green was indicted and attainted for
allowing Fay to escape. Henry Green therefore lost his job and all hope of a
life in Ireland. But he had some friends in influence places such that on 10th
January 1593 he received a pardon.[102]
In 1594 Henry Dockway was appointed constable of Dungarvan castle with a
salary of 4s per day. At that time the castle garrison consisted of six archers
at 6d per day and fifteen foot soldiers who were paid 8d per day.[103] On
20th June 1599 the Earl of Essex went ‘somewhat out of the way’ to
visit the port and castle of Dungarvan. This was on the occasion of the long
march through Munster by the Earl. When he visited Dungarvan he had come from
Affane and was heading for Waterford.[104]
The castle in the seventeenth
century
In 1607 Dungarvan castle was garrisoned by the constable, Sir George
Cary (4s per day), a porter (12d per day) and twenty warders (8d each). But
some in government felt that the castle was of no strategic importance and the
garrison should be reduced. In September 1606 it was suggested that a
constable, a porter and ten warders would be sufficient but by 1607 this idea was
reduced to a constable, a porter and a housekeeper. Some of the warders would
be sent to other forts, mainly in Ulster, while others would get a pension. The
land attached to the castle had been sold off and so the castle was costing
money rather than providing its own income. In October 1605 Lord Deputy
Chichester said Dungarvan castle could be closed without much trouble as
coastal forts like Dungarvan were poor bastions against pirates. In January
1607 the Lord Deputy of Ireland issued an order to reduce the garrison by eight
warders.[105] These
recommendations were not acted upon and in 1610 and 1611 Dungarvan castle was still
held by a constable, a porter and twelve warders. The constable was Sir George
Cary. The castle was one of four military forts in Munster.[106] The
rest of the army of Munster was composed of horsemen and foot soldiers attached
to mobile units.
In 1615 Sir George Cary was still constable of Dungarvan castle. His
salary was paid out of the English treasury like many more government, army
personal and pensioners in Ireland at the time.[107]
Sir George Cary was in need of some salary as he was involved in a protracted
and eventually abandoned case against him during his time as treasurer-at-war
where he created debts of £32,000.[108]
On 18th July 1605 King James issued a grant in reversion to
Edward Cary, nephew of Sir George Cary of the constableship at Dungarvan
castle. Edward Cary was to succeed after the death or retirement of Sir George
Cary. The grant to Edward Cary was as reward for his considerable time in the
service of the King.[109] In
1622 Edward Cary was constable of Dungarvan castle at a salary of £91 5s per
year. Edward Cary had the castle by letters patent and was his own house. The
Commissioners for the Reform of Ireland in 1622 said that this should not
continue and the castle should be for the army.[110] In
1623 Edward Carew (Cary?) was constable of Dungarvan castle. At that time the
castle was in great decay and it was estimated that £1,000 was needed to
restore the structure.[111]
Early in the Confederate War (1641-1653) the Irish/Confederate army took
Dungarvan and the castle. But in March 1642 the Lord President of Munster
retook the castle and left Lieutenant Rossington as constable. But the English
only held it for a short time. On one night all the English in the town were
plundered by Sir Nicholas Walsh and his followers. While the garrison was thus
distracted scaling ladders were placed between the gate and the wall and the
castle was taken. John Butler was appointed as constable of the castle for the
Confederate government.[112] The
Confederates held Dungarvan castle until 1647 and made considerable use of the
port from bringing in supplies from the Continent. This ease of access was
facilitated by an effective Confederate navy and the ineffective effort made by
the English/Parliamentary navy.[113]
On 3rd May 1647 Lord Inchiquin took a considerable
English/Parliamentary army of 5,000 foot and 1,500 horse troops across the
Blackwater River and invaded the Confederate controlled area of County
Waterford. He captured Cappoquin and Dromana castle before proceeding to
Dungarvan. Following a four day siege in which the town walls were pounded by
cannon Lord Inchiquin invested the town after a bastion tower was knocked down.
Once in the town he attacked the castle while also pounding it with cannon from
the Abbeyside area across the harbour. But the castle was not taken. Instead on
10th May the garrison surrendered. For what of provisions Lord
Inchiquin was prevented from advancing on East Waterford and instead returned
to Cork. After getting supplies from England Lord Inchiquin marched north into
Tipperary taking Cahir, Fethard and Cashel with the so termed massacre on the
Rock of Cashel. At the same time the Confederates could only put an army of
3,300 into the Munster theatre and so could not recover Dungarvan.[114]
On 3rd April 1648 Lord Inchiquin decided to change
affiliation from Parliament to supporting the Royalist cause. Some of his
officers resisted but they were imprisoned before they could muster a revolt.
In this unease situation Lord Inchiquin was eager to make a truce with the
Confederate Council. On 22nd April 1648 Lord Inchiquin travelled to
Dungarvan to meet representatives of the Confederate Council to discuss a
truce. The proposed document was vetoed by the papal nuncio, Cardinal
Rinuccini, but negotiations continued and on 20th May a truce was
signed.[115] But
the execution of King Charles in January 1649 ended the Royalist cause.
Parliament was now in charge and its chief general, Oliver Cromwell prepared to
take an army to Ireland.
When Oliver Cromwell came to Dungarvan in December 1649 the Royalist town
and castle made a resistance for a few days before surrendering to the far
larger army. As punishment for resisting Cromwell was said to have ordered the
massacre of the inhabitants but when a woman called Nagle brought out a tankard
of beer for the main man and drank to his health. More beer was brought out for
Cromwell’s troops and in their merry mood Cromwell changed his mind and spared
the inhabitants or so the story goes.[116] The
reality was that while Cromwell was still at Kilmacthomas the town and castle
of Dungarvan were captured by Roger Boyle, Lord Broghill. Dungarvan provided
comfortable winter quarters for Cromwell’s army as the area around Waterford
Harbour still had resistance forces.[117]
In May 1662 Major James Dennis and his foot company was stationed at
Dungarvan castle the company consisted of one captain (James Dennis) along with
one ensign, two sergeants, three corporals, two drummers and eighty-five
soldiers.[118] In
August 1662 Major James Dennis was still at Dungarvan but with only sixty-seven
soldiers besides the eight officers. Some of the reduction in the troop numbers
is accounted by the fact the Major Dennis had a sergeant and eighteen soldiers
stationed at Cappoquin. In November 1667 Major James Dennis and his foot
company were based at Wexford with no troops recorded at Dungarvan. By
September 1672 Major Dennis’s foot company had returned to England. The foot
company soon returned and in 1675 was at Wexford and in 1680 at Waterford.[119] After
c.1665 the castle seems to be left vacant and no subsequent entry appears
showing troops garrisoned within. A report in 1685 of the number of cannon at
each military base in Ireland mentioned such places as Waterford, Duncannon,
Youghal, Haulboline Island and Cork but no Dungarvan.[120]
The castle in the eighteenth
century
In 1721 and 1722 money was spent on works and repairs to Dungarvan
castle. The exact amount was not stated as Dungarvan was included with Dublin,
Belfast, Cork, Trim and Athlone in a share of the £336 spent in that year.[121]
In October 1725 John Shaw, the barrack-master at Dungarvan, was paid £5
6s 11½d for repairing the castle wall. The wall was washed away by the sea and
the expenses seem mostly to be securing the remaining wall from further collapse.[122] At
a later date the sea wall was rebuilt.[123]
The castle in the nineteenth
century
In the nineteenth century the old Dungarvan castle was used as a
military base and later as a police barracks. In 1812-3 the castle garrison
consisted of six officers and ninety-six men.[124]
Like in many a garrison town drink and boredom played on the discipline
of the officers and soldiers. In 1836 a detachment of the 53rd
Regiment of Foot (King’s Shropshire Light Infantry) were stationed at the
castle. In late August Lieutenant Stewart of the Regiment had a disagreement
with a certain Andrew Carbery, a prominent Catholic businessman and benefactor
of the poor. On the night of 25th August Lieutenant Stewart had a
drunken party with two Dungarvan men, Edward Kennedy and Edward Dower. The
three men left the castle and stopped at certain houses were they shouted at
the occupants. On returning to the castle they crossed the street to the house
of Andrew Carbery, which was opposite the castle gate. They broke down the
front door and carried it away. Lieutenant Steward ordered the corporal of the
guard to use the door for firewood.
A complaint was sent to Thomas Drummond, Under-Secretary of State for
Ireland, who on 7th September 1836 wrote to Richard Jones, the
Resident Magistrate in Dungarvan, for information. Two months later
Lieutenant-General Shaw Kennedy, Inspector-General of the Constabulary, replied
that he had heard rumours of a trespass on Andrew Carbery’s property.
Eventually a full report was sent by Major-General Arbuthnot to Thomas Drummond
on the affair. He described Lieutenant Steward’s drunken caper as ‘an act of
thoughtless folly’ and that he would be place on the Service Companies of the
53rd Regiment at the first opportunity. He also said that Andrew
Carbery had received compensation for the damage.[125]
Up until the 1860s it appears that the Duke of Devonshire was the owner
of Dungarvan castle until it was purchased by the government.[126] In
1882 the King’s Own Borders were the last soldiers to occupied Dungarvan castle
as a military barracks. It was then taken over by the Royal Irish Constabulary
who occupied the complex until March 1922.[127]
The castle in the twentieth
century
At the start of the twentieth century the castle was still occupied by
the Royal Irish Constabulary. After the adoption of the Anglo-Irish Treaty and
the formation of the Irish Free State the R.I.C. departed. In March 1922 the
West Waterford brigade of the Irish Republican Army took possession of the
castle. But they were against the Treaty and in the Civil War held Dungarvan
castle against the new State. When Free State troops advanced on Dungarvan the
Anti-Treaty forces found their position un-defendable and left the castle and
the town. Before they left they set fire to the castle so as to make it
unusable for the Free State army. When peace was restored the castle was
rebuilt and given over to the new Garda Siochana as their police station.[128]
The Garda Siochana occupied Dungarvan castle until 1987 when a new
police station was built on Rice Street. The castle was then totally given over
to the Office of Public Works. The O.P.W. had been in charge of repairs and
maintenance with the Gardaí were in the castle but now they had it all to
themselves. Over the next decade archaeological work and repairs to the castle
occurred before in 2002 the castle was opened to the public.[129] As
of 2016 Dungarvan castle is open to the public during the summer months and
closed in the winter time. It is well worth a visit if you can to see a castle
with over eight hundred years of history and people.
=============
End of post
=============
[2] Goddard H. Orpen, Ireland under the Normans 1169-1333
(Four Courts Press, Dublin, 2005), vol. III, p. 350
[3] http://blog.waterfordmuseum.ie/2015/06/archeological-survey-to-be-carried-out.html
access on 30 October 2016
[4] A.F. O’Brien, ‘The
Development and Evolution of the Medieval Borough and Port of Dungarvan, County
Waterford, c.1200 to c.1530’, in the Journal
of the Cork Historical and Archaeological Society, Vol. XCII, 1987, p. 85
[5] Joseph Hansard, History of Waterford (Waterford County
Council, edited edition by Donal Brady), p. 244
[6] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland (5
vols. Kraus reprint, 1974), vol. 1, 1171-1251, nos. 586, 598
[7] J.S. Brewer &
William Bullen (eds.), Calendar of the
Carew Manuscripts at Lambeth (Kraus reprint, 1974), vol. 5, Books of Howth
Miscellaneous, p. 438; H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar
of Documents relating to Ireland, vol. 1, 1171-1251, nos. 576, 584
[9] Patrick C. Power, A history of Dungarvan Town and District
(De Paor, Dungarvan, 2000), pp. 18, 19; A.F. O’Brien, ‘The Development and
Evolution of the Medieval Borough and Port of Dungarvan, County Waterford,
c.1200 to c.1530’, in the J.C.H.A.S.,
Vol. XCII, 1987, p. 86
[10] Dave Pollock, Medieval Dungarvan above and below ground
(Archaeografix, Stradbally, 2013), pp. 35, 37; https://chancery.tcd.ie/document/patent/30-edward-iii/42
accessed on 30 October 2016; A.F. O’Brien, ‘The Development and Evolution of
the Medieval Borough and Port of Dungarvan, County Waterford, c.1200 to
c.1530’, in the J.C.H.A.S., Vol.
XCII, 1987, p. 87
[11] David Beresford, ‘Fitz Anthony, Thomas’, in Dictionary of Irish Biography, edited by James McGuire & James
Quinn (Cambridge University Press, 2009), Vol. 3, p. 813
[12] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland,
vol. 1, 1171-1251, nos. 1462, 1976, 2009, 2569; A.J. Otway-Ruthven, A history of Medieval Ireland (Ernest
Benn, London, 1980), p. 96; H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, vol. 1, 1171-1251, no.
2569
[13] Thirty-Fifth Report of the Deputy
Keeper of Public Records in Ireland (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1903), p. 36
[14] https://chancery.tcd.ie/document/other/henry-iii/10
accessed on 30 October 2016; https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brattice
accessed on 30 October 2016
[16] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland,
vol. II, 1252-1284, no. 629; Anthony M. McCormack, The Earldom of Desmond 1463-1583: The Decline and Crisis of a Feudal
Lordship (Four Courts Press, Dublin, 2005), p. 54
[18] Gerald O’Carroll, The Earls of Desmond: The Rise and Fall of a
Munster Lordship (author, 2013), p. 4; H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland,
vol. III, 1285-1292, no. 1051
[19] Dave Pollock, Medieval Dungarvan above and below ground,
pp. 10, 11, 12, 13; Michael Moore (ed.), Archaeological
Inventory of County Waterford (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1999), pp. 213,
214, no. 1562
[20] Dave Pollock, Medieval Dungarvan above and below ground,
p. 14; Michael Moore (ed.), Archaeological
Inventory of County Waterford, pp. 213, 214, no. 1562; H.S. Sweetman (ed.),
Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland,
vol. IV, 1293-1301, p. 261
[24] Edmund Curtis,
‘Sheriff’s accounts of the Honor of Dungarvan, of Tweskard in Ulster and of
County Waterford, 1261-63’, in Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, Vol.
XXXIX, 1929-1931, section C, p. 4; H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, vol. II, 1252-1284, no.
326
[25] John T. Gilbert, History of
the Viceroys of Ireland (James Duffy, Dublin, 1865), pp. 107, 108; H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of
Documents relating to Ireland, vol. II, 1252-1284, no. 1242
[26] Philomena Connolly
(ed.), Irish Exchequer Payments
(Irish Manuscripts Commission, Dublin, 1998), p. 72; H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, vol. II, 1252-1284, nos.
1839, 1922
[27] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland,
vol. III, 1285-1292, no. 216, pp. 426, 427
[29] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland,
vol. II, 1252-1284, nos. 1125, 1185
[30] Thirty-Sixth Report of the Deputy
Keeper of Public Records in Ireland (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1904), p. 38
[31] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland,
vol. II, 1252-1284, nos. 1239, 1259
[35] Philip H. Hore,
‘Extracts from the Great Roll of the Irish Exchequer Relating to Waterford and
Ross, A.D. 1273-1483’, in the Journal of
the Cork Historical and Archaeological Society, Vol. XXIV, 1918, p. 18
[36] Bridget Wells-Furby
(ed.), A catalogue of the medieval
muniments at Berkeley Castle (Bristol and Gloucestershire Archaeological
Society, Gloucestershire Record Series, Vol. 17, 2004), p. 573; Goddard H.
Orpen, Ireland under the Normans
1169-1333, vol. III, p. 145; H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, vol. IV, 1293-1301, no.
727
[37] J.S. Brewer &
William Bullen (eds.), Calendar of the
Carew Manuscripts at Lambeth, vol. 5, Books of Howth Miscellaneous, p. 439;
H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of
Documents relating to Ireland, vol. IV, 1293-1301, p. 261
[39] Forty-Fourth Report of the Deputy
Keeper of Public Records in Ireland (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1912), pp. 25, 26
[41] J.S. Brewer &
William Bullen (eds.), Calendar of the
Carew Manuscripts at Lambeth, vol. 5, Books of Howth Miscellaneous, p. 395
[42] James Lydon, ‘Survey
of the memoranda rolls of the Irish Exchequer, 1294-1509’, in Analecta Hibernica, No. 23 (1966), p. 63
[43] A.F. O’Brien, ‘The
Development and Evolution of the Medieval Borough and Port of Dungarvan, County
Waterford, c.1200 to c.1530’, in the J.C.H.A.S.,
Vol. XCII, 1987, p. 87
[44] Gerald O’Carroll, The Earls of Desmond: The Rise and Fall of a
Munster Lordship, p. 14; A.J. Otway-Ruthven, A history of Medieval Ireland, pp. 327, 338 – the second visit to
Ireland by Richard II was in 1399; https://chancery.tcd.ie/document/close/18-richard-ii/3
accessed on 30 October 2016
[45] Edmund Curtis (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, volume III,
1413-1509 A.D. (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1935), p. 32
[46] A.F. O’Brien, ‘The
Development and Evolution of the Medieval Borough and Port of Dungarvan, County
Waterford, c.1200 to c.1530’, in the J.C.H.A.S.,
Vol. XCII, 1987, p. 87
[47] Charles Smith, The Ancient and Present State of the County
and City of Waterford (2008 edition edited by Donal Brady), pp. 51, 52
[50] D.B. Quin, ‘Irish
Ireland and English Ireland’, in A new
History of Ireland, II, Medieval Ireland, 1169-1534, edited by Art Cosgrove
(Oxford University Press, 2008), p. 630
[52] D.B. Quin, ‘English
policy in Irish affairs, 1520-34’, in A
new History of Ireland, II, Medieval Ireland, 1169-1534, edited by Art
Cosgrove, p. 677
[54] Edmund Curtis (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, volume IV,
1509-1547 A.D. (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1937), pp. 127, 128
[57] J.S. Brewer &
William Bullen (eds.), Calendar of the
Carew Manuscripts at Lambeth, vol. 1, 1515-1574, p. 55
[58] David Edwards, The Ormond Lordship in County Kilkenny
1515-1642: The Rise and Fall of Butler Feudal Power (Four Courts Press,
Dublin, 2003), pp. 162, 163
[59] J.S. Brewer &
William Bullen (eds.), Calendar of the
Carew Manuscripts at Lambeth, vol. 1, 1515-1574, pp. 76, 79, 152; Dave
Pollock, Medieval Dungarvan above and
below ground, p. 16
[60] Edmund Curtis (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, volume IV,
1509-1547 A.D., pp. 192, 270, 271; David Edwards, The Ormond Lordship in County Kilkenny 1515-1642, p. 170
[62] Bernadette Cunningham
(ed.), Calendar of State Papers Ireland:
Tudor Period 1566-1567 (Irish Manuscripts Commission, Dublin, 2009), no.
132; Charles Smith, The Ancient and
Present State of the County and City of Waterford, p. 55
[64] Edmund Curtis (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, volume V,
1547-1584 A.D. (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1941), pp. 28, 29, 31
[65] J.S. Brewer &
William Bullen (eds.), Calendar of the
Carew Manuscripts at Lambeth, vol. 1, 1515-1574, p. 284
[71] Tomás Ó Laidhin (ed.), Sidney State Papers 1565-70, no. 26; Bernadette Cunningham (ed.), Calendar of State Papers Ireland: Tudor
Period 1566-1567, no. 265
[75] Bernadette Cunningham
(ed.), Calendar of State Papers Ireland:
Tudor Period 1568-1571 (Irish Manuscripts Commission, Dublin, 2010), no.
155
[79] Bernadette Cunningham
(ed.), Calendar of State Papers Ireland:
Tudor Period 1566-1567, nos. 525, 531
[80] Bernadette Cunningham
(ed.), Calendar of State Papers Ireland:
Tudor Period 1568-1571, nos. 235.2, 361
[81] Bernadette Cunningham
(ed.), Calendar of State Papers Ireland:
Tudor Period 1568-1571, nos. 375, 381
[82] J.S. Brewer &
William Bullen (eds.), Calendar of the
Carew Manuscripts at Lambeth, vol. 1, 1515-1574, p. 392
[83] Bernadette Cunningham
(ed.), Calendar of State Papers Ireland:
Tudor Period 1568-1571, nos. 208, 675
[85] Bernadette Cunningham
(ed.), Calendar of State Papers Ireland:
Tudor Period 1568-1571, nos. 559, 569
[89] Mary O’Dowd (ed.), Calendar of State Papers Ireland: Tudor
Period 1571-1575 (Public Record Office, London and Irish Manuscripts
Commission, Dublin, 2000), nos. 1, 55, 182, 199, 275.2, 367.1, 449.1
[90] Mary O’Dowd (ed.), Calendar of State Papers Ireland: Tudor
Period 1571-1575, nos. 208, 223, 1255.1
[95] Mary O’Dowd (ed.), Calendar of State Papers Ireland: Tudor
Period 1571-1575, nos. 928, 934.1, 939
[96] Mary O’Dowd (ed.), Calendar of State Papers Ireland: Tudor
Period 1571-1575, nos. 1084.2, 1147, 1225; J.S. Brewer & William Bullen
(eds.), Calendar of the Carew Manuscripts
at Lambeth, vol. 1, 1515-1574, p. 456
[97] William Fraher &
William Whelan, Dungarvan: Historic Guide
& Town Trail (Waterford County Museum, 2012), p. 23
[100] Edmund Curtis (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, volume VI,
1584-1603 A.D. (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1943), p. 24
[104] J.S. Brewer &
William Bullen (eds.), Calendar of the
Carew Manuscripts at Lambeth, vol. 3, 1589-1600, p. 308
[105] Rev. C.W. Russell
& John P. Prendergast (eds.), Calendar of the State Papers relating to Ireland of the reign of
James 1, 1603-1606 (Kraus reprint, 1974), pp. 342, 511, 581; Rev. C.W. Russell & John P.
Prendergast (eds.), Calendar of the State Papers relating to Ireland of the reign of
James 1, 1606-1608, pp. 87, 91
[106] Rev. C.W. Russell
& John P. Prendergast (eds.), Calendar of the State Papers relating to Ireland of the reign of
James 1, 1608-1610, p. 508; Rev. C.W. Russell & John P.
Prendergast (eds.), Calendar of the State Papers relating to Ireland of the reign of
James 1, 1611-1624, p. 9
[107] Rev. Charles W. Russell & John P. Prendergast (eds.), Calendar of the State Papers relating to
Ireland of the reign of James 1, 1615-1625, p. 11
[108] Victor Treadwell, Buckingham and Ireland 1616-1628: A Study in
Anglo-Irish Politics (Four Courts Press, Dublin, 1998), 355, note 82
[109] Rev. C.W. Russell
& John P. Prendergast (eds.), Calendar of the State Papers relating to Ireland of the reign of
James 1, 1603-1606, p. 306
[110] Victor Treadwell
(ed.), The Irish Commission of 1622: an
investigation of the Irish Administration 1615-22 and its Consequences 1623-24
(Irish Manuscripts Commission, Dublin, 2006), p. 194
[111] Rev. Charles W. Russell & John P. Prendergast (eds.), Calendar of the State Papers relating to
Ireland of the reign of James 1, 1615-1625, pp. 406, 430
[114] Rev. Samuel Hayman, The hand-book for Youghal, p. 42; Dave
Pollock, Medieval Dungarvan above and
below ground, p. 16; Padraig Lenihan, Confederate
Catholics at War 1641-49 (Cork University Press, 2001), p. 104
[115] Patrick J. Corish,
‘Ormond, Runuccini and the confederates, 1645-9’, in A new History of Ireland, III, Early Modern Ireland 1534-1691,
edited by T.W. Moody, F.X. Martin & F.J. Byrne (Oxford University Press,
2009), p. 329
[117] Patrick J. Corish,
‘Ormond, Runuccini and the confederates, 1645-9’, in A new History of Ireland, III, Early Modern Ireland 1534-1691,
edited by T.W. Moody, F.X. Martin & F.J. Byrne, p. 343
[118] John T. Gilbert (ed.), The
Manuscripts of the Marquis of Ormonde preserved at the Castle, Kilkenny
(Historical Manuscripts Commission, 1895), vol. 1, p. 351
[119] John T. Gilbert & Rosa Gilbert (eds.), The Manuscripts of the Marquis of Ormonde preserved at the Castle, Kilkenny
(Historical Manuscripts Commission, 1899), vol. II, pp. 178, 190, 192, 200,
202, 224
[120] John T. Gilbert & Rosa Gilbert (eds.), The Manuscripts of the Marquis of Ormonde preserved at the Castle,
Kilkenny, vol. II, pp. 334, 335
[126] Joseph Hansard, History of Waterford (Waterford County
Council, edited edition by Donal Brady), p. 194
Hi Niall,
ReplyDeleteWe've been in touch before now to discuss Mocollop Castle. I have just scanned your full list of articles, bookmarking several of particular interest, and I must say your output is very impressive.
Last time you kindly permitted me to use your images of Mocollop castle published on the blog. I wanted to include Mocollop as an excursion on a conference I am organising, but in the end I got a reluctant no (at this time) from Richard, the owner.
We are, however, going to Dungarvan Castle, and I am writing to ask if I could use your images from that blog too (30 October 2016).
The aerial image is of particular interest for its view into the shell keep, and might be reproduced also - you permitting - in the next issue of the Castle Studies Group journal.
Thanks in advance,
Dan
Daniel Tietzsch-Tyler, Limerick
email: dantt@eircom.net