Roland
Jorz, Archbishop of Armagh
Niall
C.E.J. O’Brien
Roland Jorz, also known
as Roland Joyce, was a church cleric in the early decades of the fourteenth
century and one time Archbishop of Armagh. He was like his kinsmen a member of
the Dominican Order (O.P.). These kinsmen included his two brothers; Thomas
Jorz (Prior Provincial of the Dominican Order in England, 1297-1304 and
cardinal priest of St. Sabina 1305-1310) and Walter Jorz (Archbishop of Armagh,
1307-1311).[1]
Another brother (so it is said) was Robert de Jorz (spelt as Jort), one time
sheriff of Nottinghamshire and Derbyshire and in 1305 was a knight of the shire.[2] It
was the influence of Thomas Jorz that secured Walter to Armagh and Walter in
turn helped Rowland Jorz to succeed to Armagh after his resignation. For more
on Walter Jorz see = http://celtic2realms-medievalnews.blogspot.ie/2014/07/walter-jorz-archbishop-of-armagh.html
Roland’s first name is
various spelt in contemporary documents. The papal registers usually wrote it
as Roland, while the register of Archbishop Melton of York, for whom Roland
acted as a suffragan bishop after he resigned Armagh, spelt his name as
Rowland. In this article I have used the spelling of Roland Jorz.
Early
history
The early history of Roland
Jorz is unknown. He was born about 1280. It is said that he was born in London
in a family of possible Welsh origins. But other people say that Roland Jorz
was of the Jorz family of Burton Jorz in Nottinghamshire. There were in all six
brothers of whom Thomas, Walter and Roland joined the Dominican Order.[3]
For an account of Thomas Jorz see = https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Jorz,_Thomas_(DNB00)
The papal provision to
the see of Armagh described him as a friar’s preacher. But it is as yet unknown
what Roland Jorz was doing before 1311 when he was found attending the 15th
General Council at Vienne.
Appointed
and consecrated Archbishop
On 13th
November 1311 Roland Jorz was appointed Archbishop of Armagh on the resignation
of his brother, Archbishop Walter Jorz (Archbishop since 1307). The document in
which he was appointed was dated at Vienne, France.[4] The
15th General Council at Vienne was held in the city in 1311-1312. A
number of Irish bishops were invited to attend such as those of Cashel,
Killaloe, Lismore, Emly and Cloyne. But these bishops didn’t go ‘through fear
that something might happen to them’ like become the next Archbishop of Armagh.[5]
Roland Jorz was
consecrated Archbishop by Berengarius, bishop of Tusculum. In January 1312 Roland
Jorz received the pallium to mark his
position as an archbishop.[6] In
1312 Roland Jorz issued a notarial instrument recording his renunciation of matters
in the papal bull of provision that were prejudicial to royal rights in regard
to temporalities.[7]
The
business of Archbishop
In May 1312, while Roland
Jorz was still overseas, he received a papal mandate along with other
archbishops and bishops to defend the Knights Hospitallers who had lately
acquired the property on the disbanded Knights Templar.[8] This
was the result of the principal business of the Vienne council where papal
support for the Templars was formerly withdrawn.
Arrival
in Ireland and the fight for the Cross
In 1313 Archbishop Roland
Jorz arrived in Ireland via the port at Howth from where he proceeded to the
priory of Grace Dei carrying his primatial cross before him. Archbishop Walter
Jorz of Armagh and Primate of Ireland and Archbishop John Lech of Dublin had
serious disputes over the carrying of the primate’s cross within the
Archdiocese of Dublin. Because of these disputes Archbishop Roland carrying his
cross by night so as not to be seen by too many people. But seen his was and his
action of carrying the cross cited the rage of the clergy and the people.[9] By
the time Archbishop Roland Jorz reached Grace Dei the crowd were in fever pitch
and attacked the priory. Archbishop Roland Jorz was forced to flee in disgrace
and confusion according to the chronicler.[10]
The Archbishop of
Armagh was forbidden to raise his primatial cross while in the archdiocese of
Dublin due to the primatial dispute between the two archbishops. The
controversy over the right of each archbishop to bear his cross erect while
travelling in each other’s province began when Archbishop Henry de London of
Dublin erected St. Patrick’s Church into a Metropolis Church.[11]
Armagh Cathedral
Recovery
of Archiepiscopal property
In about 1314 Brother
Roland Jorz, Archbishop of Armagh, petitioned the King for the restoration of a
messuage and a carucate of land in the manor of Dromiskin that was taken into
the king’s hand. The property was leased by Nicholas Mac Maol Iosa, Archbishop
of Armagh to Royse, and wife of John Logan, without the king’s permission and
thus was seized by the escheator.[12]
Archbishop Nicholas was described at his death as ‘the devoutest in his
prayers, the greatest housekeeper and bountifullest churchman in Ireland’.
James Ware said he was ‘an inveterate enemy to such Englishmen as were promoted
to bishoprics’ in Ireland.[13]
Clearly Archbishop Nicholas was not the man to bother getting a licence from
the King of England to do his own business.
In 1307 a somewhat
similar petition was made to the king. Robert Bagod petitioned the King that he
had a lease for life of 100 solidates of rent in the vills of Ballycantal,
Ballytrae and Ballymonone from Nicholas Mac Maol Iosa, Archbishop of Armagh.
But immediately after the death of Nicholas the escheator of Ireland took the
rent into the king’s hand on the grounds that the gift to Robert was made
without the king’s licence. On 21st February 1307 King Edward wrote
to John Wogan, justiciar of Ireland, to investigate the case and to deliver the
rent to Robert if his claim be true.[14]
Debt
problems of Archbishop Roland
The efforts by Archbishop
Roland to recover archiepiscopal property in 1314 was partly due to his need
for rents and property to generate money as on 7th August 1314 he
received a letter from Rome asking him to pay the debts of the Archdiocese that
were on account at the Roman curia.[15] In
1307 and again in 1311 the Italian financiers of Andrew Sapiti and his brother
Ranuncius had seized the temporalities of the Archbishopric when vacant to recover
past debts.[16]
In a mandate given to the Bishops of Meath, Down and Clonmacnoise in September
1322 concerning abuses of Archbishop Roland it was alleged that the archbishop
was excommunicated in about 1317 for failing to honour his commitment to pay these
debts to the Roman curia. The same mandate alleged that Archbishop Roland, on
his income being sequestrated for debt, violated the sequestration and
continued to take the revenue.[17]
Archbishop Roland Jorz
also had debts due to the Dublin Exchequer. In May 1313 he was asked to pay 27½
marks due from the Archbishopric estates when they were in the king’s hand
after the resignation of Archbishop Walter Jorz. An order was sent from the
king to the keeper of Ireland to enquire how many days the estates were in the
king’s hand and what the proper debt was due.[18]
An order for the restoration of the temporalities to Roland Jorz was issued on
20th December 1312.[19]
To help relieve his
desperate financial position it was said that Archbishop Roland took a
silver-gilt image made in honour of St. Michael, a timble, an incense-boat, a
holy water vessel, an aspersory, and other silver chalices from the church
treasury and pawned them with a merchant for much needed funds. For this he
further pledge the vestments belonging to the archbishop's chapel. Elsewhere
Archbishop Roland is said to have sold to a knight the roof timbers from the
buildings of Ruschath manor (possibly Ratoath), and from a house in Termonfeckin
manor, and of ruining the manor and town of Inisquin (possibly Dromiskin).[20]
Yet all this effort to
acquire revenue to pay the Archdiocese debts at Rome didn’t work as intended.
When Stephen Segrave succeeded Archbishop Roland in 1323 he was obliged to pay
1,000 florins to Rome along with 1,500 florins owed on the account Archbishops
Walter and Roland. But Archbishop Stephen didn’t pay these debts and his
successor didn’t pay the debts. When Richard Fitz Ralph became Archbishop of
Armagh in 1347 he was obliged to pay the debts of his four predecessors.[21]
In 1322, after the
resignation of Archbishop Roland, the temporalities of the archbishopric were
taken into the king’s hand and remained so for about eighteen months. In that
time the escheator collected £43 0s 9¼d from the seven manors along with £1 18s
7d from the mills, toll of ale, market tolls, and prise of fish in the seven
manors. In the same time the escheator was able to increase the revenues by £9
17s 8½d which would suggest that Archbishop Roland had problems collecting his
proper dues. The seven manors were Kylmoun (Kilmoon), Inoskeen (Inishkeen),
Nerny (near Raskeagh, Co. Louth), Rustagh (unknown), Dromeskyn (Dromiskin),
Termonfeckin and Nobber.[22]
Bishopric
of Clogher
In 1316 Matthaeus Mac
Cathasaig, Bishop of Clogher, died and was buried in his cathedral. The chapter
then elected Gelasius (Cornelius) Ó Bánáin as the new bishop. He was previously
coarb of St. Tigernach of Cluain-cois.[23]
Archbishop Roland appointed and consecrated Gelasius as bishop even though he
was under sentence of excommunication.[24]
Papal
correspondence
In September 1316
Archbishop Roland Jorz received a letter from the new Pope, John XXII,
announcing his election on 7th August 1316 at Lyons.[25]
In September 1317
Archbishop Roland along with the archbishops of Cashel and Dublin were
instructed by Pope John not to suffer the Friars Preachers in Ireland of the
English nation to be molested touching their papal privileges as they would
have great difficulty in recourse to Rome for relief.[26]
In May 1319 Archbishop
Roland along with other archbishops and bishops received notice from Rome that
giving conservators to the prior general and the prior of St. Mary of Mount
Carmel to preserve their papal privileges.[27]
Royal
correspondence
On 21st
March 1315 King Edward II sent letters patent to Archbishop Roland announcing
the presentation of John de Merton to the Stagbanan in the diocese of Armagh.
He church was then in the king’s gifting due to the vacancy in the
Archbishopric of Dublin.[28]
By December 1317 John de Merton had resigned Stagbanan church.[29]
Bruce
invasion of Ireland – changing attitudes
On 25th May
1315 Edward Bruce, brother of Robert Bruce, King of Scotland, landed possibly
at Larne with an invading army. The local English colonists were defeated while
the main Irish chiefs initially held off seeing which way the victory winds
would blow. Edward Bruce advanced through east Ulster and defeated the local
Irish chiefs at Moyry Pass. He then took and burnt Dundalk and plundered the
neighbourhood. The Earl of Ulster met Edward Bruce in Antrim with a reduced
army due to rebellion in Connacht and was defeated. Edward Bruce was now master
of Ulster and the Irish chiefs sided with the Scots. A number of Irish prelates
supported the Scots or were suspected of same.[30] For
example, in 1315 Robert, the prior of Louth, was pardoned, on payment of a fine
of £40, for assisting Edward Bruce.[31]
Allegations published in
1322 said that Archbishop Roland Jorz assisted the Scots by not denouncing the
invasion. When Columba, a nobleman of Ulster, was excommunicated for supporting
Edward Bruce, Archbishop Roland, it is said, absolved the nobleman. At another
time when Cardinals Gaucelin and Luke pronounce sentence against Robert Bruce,
Archbishop Roland refused to publish the processes.[32]
By 1318 it seems that
Archbishop Roland had changed is opinion about the Scottish invasion and the
Bruce kingdom of Scotland. Many of his manors were devastated by the Scottish
army and Archbishop Roland appears always to be under financial pressure. The
loss of his revenue would not endear this English Primate to the Scottish
cause.[33]
On 14th
October 1318 Edward Bruce advanced out of Ulster towards Louth with his army of
between 2,000 to 3,000 soldiers. There was no sight of Edward Bruce since May
1317 and the government had made no preparations for any military response. It
was up to the ordinary people of Louth under the command of John de Bermingham
to oppose the Scottish army and prevent their property from been wrecked as in
1315. Roland Jorz, Archbishop of Armagh, was there at the assembly point to
give the people’s army absolution. North of Dundalk, on the hill of Faughart,
the two armies met and the Scots were slaughtered including Edward Bruce. John
de Bermingham took the head of Edward Bruce to King Edward Ii and was created Earl
of Louth for his services.[34]
For Archbishop Roland
the defeat of the Scots and his own change of support brought material
benefits. On 18th April 1319 he was pardoned of £250 due in debts to
the Dublin exchequer on his own account and that of his predecessors. The
pardon was his good services in Ireland on behalf of the crown.[35]
Absence
from Armagh province
The above notice shows
that in October 1318 Archbishop Roland was in County Louth, located in the
diocese of Armagh and part of the Archdiocese of Armagh. But in 1322, the
chapter of Armagh and the abbot of the Augustinian abbey there, alleged that from
1318 to 1322 Archbishop Roland was absent from the archdiocese.[36]
The annals tell us that 1318 saw as much snow as was not seen for years before
then.[37]
The years between 1315 and 1318 coincided with the Great European Famine in
which three years of rain and bad weather caused multiple crop failure and starvation.
Possibly Archbishop Roland felt that the climate and living conditions would be
better elsewhere than on the border land between the English and Irish areas of
influence that was the Archdiocese of Armagh.
During his absence
Archbishop Roland continued to receive income from the province such as 30
marks from Derry and Clogher, and 15 marks from Dromore.[38]
But this small revenue was insufficient to meet the fees due to the Papal
Chancery. King Edward II wrote to Pope John XXII on behalf of the viceroy, the
Archbishop of Dublin; his chancellor, the Archbishop of Cashel and Archbishop
Roland of Armagh.[39]
The royal records show
that by August 1320 Archbishop Roland was living outside of Ireland. On 6th
August he received letters patent appointing Peter de Haddesore or John de
Fulshave as his attorney in Ireland for the subsequent two years.[40]
Termonfeckin
church
Meanwhile, sometime in
1318-22, Robert de Cotegrave petitioned the King about Termonfeckin church.
Robert claimed that he was deprived of the church around April 1318 by the
Prior of Louth in collusion with Archbishop Roland Jorz and asked the King to
be maintained in possession of the church.[41] It
is said that Archbishop Roland had previously given the church to Robert de
Cotegrave, the then perpetual vicar, even though the rectory was held by the
prior of Louth. It is said that the prior was imprisoned by Archbishop Roland
to prevent him opposing the appointment.[42]
In the accusations
against Archbishop Roland in 1322 his detractors said that Archbishop Roland
upheld the ordinance of the colonial Parliament which prohibited any but
English to be appointed to religious houses.[43] In
the affair of Termonfeckin church it seems that Archbishop Roland did not
always favour English clerics if they were against his own polices.
Modern Church of Ireland church at Termonfeckin (Paul McNamarra)
It is difficult to
determine the history of the affair at Termonfeckin church or indeed with any
event in the archiepiscopate of Archbishop Roland. Although the archdiocese of
Armagh is blessed with seven surviving archiepiscopate registers, more than any
other Irish archdiocese, the earliest surviving register is that of Archbishop
Milo Sweteman (1361-1380).[44]
This register does include material before 1361 but no events relating to the
time of Archbishop Roland. The register records that in 1368 and 1369 the prior
of St. Mary’s of Louth had the presentation of the vicarage at Termonfeckin.[45]
It is possible that the prior had the right of presentation for many decades
before 1368.
Robert de Cotegrave was
a chamberlain of the exchequer between 1313 and 1325. From 1315 to 1321 Robert
de Cotegrave was keeper of the stores at Dublin castle. In 1316-7 Robert de
Cotegrave was keeper of the works at Dublin castle and at the houses of the
Exchequer. Many years later, in 1335-7, Robert de Cotegrave was a chaplain
serving in the chapel of Dublin castle. In that capacity he was paid £5 for
celebrating divine service for the souls of the king’s predecessors.[46]
Against
the Irish clerics
If Archbishop Roland
took on those of the English nation who challenged his policy in relation to churches
with the English area of the Archdiocese, he also threatened Irish clerics who
challenged his position. The clergy in Armagh city were mostly of the Irish
nation and had acquired power over the previous decades which diminished the
Archbishop’s power. Archbishop Roland challenged these interests and the
accusations of 1322 were the response of these people as they sought Roman
support to remove the Archbishop. If Archbishop Roland was totally against the Irish
it would seem strange that the diocese of Derry, a very Irish diocese, should
continue to give him money when the archbishop had gone overseas. The
accusations against Archbishop Roland contain a lot of contradictions which
makes their credibility very suspect.
As events happened it
is unlikely that Archbishop Roland upheld any ordinance banning Irish clerics.
When the ordinance was passed in the 1310 Parliament at Kilkenny Archbishop
Walter Jorz of Armagh was one of the chief opponents and had the new ruling
repealed within four months. In the Remonstrance of Irish grievances sent to
Pope John XXII Walter Jorz was accused of been a prime supporter of the
ordinance when the opposite was the case.[47] How
many of the accusations against Archbishop Roland Jorz were true? It is likely
that Archbishop Roland followed his brother and considered the ordinance as bad
for community relations. It was not until 1366 that the ordinance against Irish
clerics was reintroduced.[48]
Allegations
of allowing and causing abuses
In 1322, as part of ten
main charges against Archbishop Roland Jorz it was said that he took a bribe of
40s from a nobleman to remove an interdict set upon his land because he had put
away his lawful wife in order to live with another woman. After this Archbishop
Roland permitted this adultery to continue.[49]
At another time it was said that Archbishop Roland
had a priest called Alan beaten and wounded a clerk called Nicholas de
Drumeskin. He was also charged with other crimes, such as bloodshed, adultery,
and incest.[50]
It is difficult to determine if these allegations were true or false.
Resignation
as archbishop
From 1320 to 1322 it is
said that Archbishop Roland failed to excise his office as archbishop,
according to the allegations of the chapter of Armagh and the abbey of SS. Peter
and Paul in Armagh.[51] The
chapter and abbey of Armagh were located in the Irish area of influence within
the Archdiocese of Armagh. After the defeat of Edward Bruce in 1318 the Irish
part of the Archdiocese lost any support it previously gave to Archbishop
Roland and wished to have him removed and replaced by an Irish Primate. In the
charge against the Archbishop, the accusers said Archbishop Roland was ‘of
small discretion and no learning’.[52]
Shortly before 22nd
August 1322 Roland Jorz resigned as Archbishop of Armagh. He surrendered the
see to the pope through his proctor, Master Andrea de Sapiti of Florence (the
same Italian financier who was owed money from Armagh). On 16th
March 1323 Pope John XXII appointed Stephen de Segrave as the new archbishop.
Just as Roland Jorz did in 1312, Stephen de Segrave renounced the papal grant
of the temporalities at a ceremony in York and wished to hold the see as a gift
from the king.[53]
Stephen de Segrave was formerly dean of Lichfield.[54] At
the York ceremony was William de Airmyn, canon of York. For more on William de
Airmyn see = http://celtic2realms-medievalnews.blogspot.ie/2014/08/william-airmyn-government-official-and_16.html
The resignation of Roland
Jorz as archbishop may have been prompted by the serious charges of misconduct against
him passing through the Roman curia about his time as archbishop. In September
1322 the Bishops of Down, Meath and Clonmacnoise were mandated to investigate
ten main charges against Archbishop Roland and to take charge of the
archdiocese while the allegations were pending. The three bishops were also to
ensure that Archbishop Roland was to appear before the Pope to answer the
allegations. It appears that the chapter of Armagh cathedral and Oddo, abbot of
the Augustinian abbey of SS. Peter and Paul in Armagh were the chief source for
these allegations of misconduct.[55]
Suffragan
bishop in England
After his resignation
Roland Jorz acted as a suffragan bishop in the Archdioceses of Canterbury and York.
In these positions he was usually cited as Rowland Jorz, late Archbishop of
Armagh with a ‘w’ inserted in his name. It is said that he worked in the
Canterbury Archdiocese from 1323 and in the York Archdiocese from 1332 but as
will be seen below these dates are inaccurate.[56]
Another inaccuracy is to say that Roland Jorz was an Irish non-resident bishop
working as a suffragan bishop in England as some publications have said. Roland
Jorz had resigned the see of Armagh and a new person was in place.[57]
The English episcopal registers confirm this when they described him as, Roland
Jorz, late Archbishop of Armagh’ and not current Archbishop.
Work
in the Archdiocese of Canterbury
On 19th
March 1325, Roland Jorz, once Archbishop of Armagh, issued a grant of
indulgence of forty days for pilgrims in dioceses where the indulgence was
ratified and who went to the friar’s hermit of St. Augustine at Clare. The
pilgrims could pray to God and Joan of Acre, Countess of Gloucester (founder of
the abbey) or give money for the fabric. Among the saints that can receive
prayers said by the pilgrims included St. Patrick and St. Dominic – Roland
remembering Armagh with St. Patrick and his Dominican Order with St. Dominic.[58] Clearly
Roland Jorz had some affection for Armagh long after he left to remember its
saint in the east of England where St. Patrick would have not great cult
following.
At
work in the archdiocese of York
On 17th
September 1326 Archbishop William Melton of York commissioned Roland Jorz,
lately Archbishop of Armagh to dedicate the parish church of Wensley in the
deanery of Catterick and reconcile its churchyard which was polluted by
bloodshed.[59]
This entry shows Roland Jorz working in the York Archdiocese as early as 1326
and not from 1332 as said in other sources.
On 18th
September 1326 Roland Jorz was commissioned by Archbishop Melton to reconcile
the churchyard of Workington in Copeland which was polluted by bloodshed.[60]
William de Dykesheved was rector of this parish in March 1318 when he got a
licence to study at a university for three years provided he employed a
competent vicar. This licence to study was renewed in December 1320 for a
further four years.[61]
On 3rd September 1327 Archbishop Melton
commissioned Roland Jorz for two years to confer the first tonsure on literate
persons in the Diocese of York and to dedicate portable altars there.[62]
On 19th July 1332 Roland Jorz was at the
parish church of Bishop Burton where, along with Lewis de Beaumont, Bishop of
Durham, he assisted Archbishop Melton in the consecration ceremony of John de
Kirkby as Bishop of Carlisle.[63]
Later that month the archdeacon of York was mandated to enthrone John de Kirkby
as Bishop of Carlisle. But not everyone in the Diocese of Carlisle was happy
with the new bishop. On 8th June 1333 Bishop Lewis de Beaumont was
commissioned to excommunicate those who attacked Bishop Kirkby and his
followers with blasphemous words, arrows and stones. On 31st March
1334 Archbishop Melton had to issue letters patent to show that John de Kirkby
was properly consecrated at Bishop Burton by the Archbishop with Bishop
Beaumont and Roland Jorz, suffragan and formerly Archbishop of Armagh[64]
Bishop Kirkby survived these attacks and went on to service as bishop until his
death in 1352.
On 14th November 1333 Bishop John de
Kirkby joined Roland Jorz at the Archbishop’s palace in York for the
consecration of Robert Graystanes as the new Bishop of Durham by Archbishop
Melton. The consecration was controversial as the Papacy had nominated Richard
of Bury to Durham and a bit of an argument developed. Eventually Richard de
Bury did become the new bishop.[65]
The previous bishop of Durham was Lewis de Beaumont who was known to Roland
Jorz.
On 11th March 1334 Archbishop Melton
commissioned Roland Jorz to ordain on 12th March clergy from the
Diocese of York along with those presented by the chapters of York, Southwell,
Beverley, Ripon and Howden. Roland Jorz must have been staying close to
Bishopthorpe in Yorkshire, from where the letter was written, to receive the
letter and be ready the following day. Those presented for ordination had first
to be approved by the Archbishop’s examiners, Master John de Wodehus, Richard
de Snowesh and William de Jafford.[66]
Hospital
of St. Edmund at Gateshead
In February 1325-6 John Denton, master of the
Hospital of St. Edmund the Bishop and Confessor at Gateshead, in the Diocese of
Durham, died and Roland Jorz was collated as the new master. The Hospital was
founded in about 1248 by Bishop Farnham with a master and three priests whose
duty was to celebrate divine service in memory of the founder. When Roland Jorz
took over it appears that the Hospital had no accommodation for poor or sick
people. The Hospital did purchase some gold chalices, vestments and books from
the executors of John Denton and Roland Jorz donated ‘a certain writing of the
ordination of the chapel of St. Edmund’. John de Thornsby was appointed on 2nd
October 1333 as the new master of the Hospital in succession to Roland Jorz.[67]
Death
It is reported that Roland Jorz died in 1335 while
some publications say it was sometime after 1332. It is not known where he was
buried.
==============
End of post
===============
[3]
Alison K. McHardy, ‘The Great Bardney Scandal’, in W. Mark Ormrod (ed.), Fourteenth century England, Vol. VII (Boydell
Press, 2012), p. 40
[4]
Charles McNeill (ed.), ‘Harris Collectanea’, in Analecta Hibernica, No. 6 (1934), p. 335
[5]
Sean Mac Airt (ed.), Annals of Inisfallen
(Dublin Institute of Advanced Studies, 1977), p. 411 under year 1311
[6]
W.H. Bliss (ed.), Calendar of the Papal Registers
relating to Great Britain and Ireland (H.M.S.O., 1895), Vol. 2 (1305-1342),
pp. 92, 93
[7]
National Archives, U.K., C 270/25/1
[8]
W.H. Bliss (ed.), Calendar of the Papal Registers
relating to Great Britain and Ireland (H.M.S.O., 1895), Vol. 2 (1305-1342),
p. 95
[9]
John Gilbert, History of the Viceroys of
Ireland with notices of the castle of Dublin (Dublin, 1865), p. 129
[10]
Arlene Hogan, The Priory of Llanthony
Prima and Secunda in Ireland, 1172-1541: Land, patronage and politics (Four
Courts Press, Dublin, 2008), p. 164
[11]
Charles McNeill (ed.), Calendar of
Archbishop’s Alen’s Register c. 1172-1534 (Royal Society of Antiquaries of
Ireland, Dublin, 1950), p. 216
[12]
Philomena Connolly (ed.), ‘Irish material in the class of Ancient Petitions
(SC8) in the Public Record Office, London’, in Analecta Hibernica, No. 34 (1987), p. 100
[13]
Rev. Denis Murphy (ed.), The Annals of
Clonmacnoise (Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, Dublin, 1896), p.
260 under the year 1303
[14]
H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of
Documents relating to Ireland (5 vols. Kraus reprint, 1974), Vol. V,
1302-1307, no. 620
[15]
Charles McNeill (ed.), ‘Harris Collectanea’, in Analecta Hibernica, No. 6 (1934), p. 341
[16] Calendar of Patent Rolls, Edward II,
1321-1324, p. 346
[17]
W.H. Bliss (ed.), Calendar of the Papal Registers
relating to Great Britain and Ireland (H.M.S.O., 1895), Vol. 2 (1305-1342),
p. 219
[20]
W.H. Bliss (ed.), Calendar of the Papal Registers
relating to Great Britain and Ireland (H.M.S.O., 1895), Vol. 2 (1305-1342),
p. 219
[21]
Leonard E. Boyle, A survey of the Vatican
archives and of its medieval holdings (Pontifical Institute of Medieval
Studies, Toronto, 1972), pp. 162, 163
[22] Forty-second report of the Deputy Keeper of
the Public Records of Ireland, p. 58
[23]
James Ware, History of the Bishops of
Ireland (Dublin, 1739), Vol. 1, p. 183
[24]
W.H. Bliss (ed.), Calendar of the Papal Registers
relating to Great Britain and Ireland (H.M.S.O., 1895), Vol. 2 (1305-1342),
p. 219
[25]
W.H. Bliss (ed.), Calendar of the Papal Registers
relating to Great Britain and Ireland (H.M.S.O., 1895), Vol. 2 (1305-1342),
p. 126
[26]
W.H. Bliss (ed.), Calendar of the Papal Registers
relating to Great Britain and Ireland (H.M.S.O., 1895), Vol. 2 (1305-1342),
p. 160
[27]
W.H. Bliss (ed.), Calendar of the Papal Registers
relating to Great Britain and Ireland (H.M.S.O., 1895), Vol. 2 (1305-1342),
p. 190
[28] Calendar of Patent Rolls, Edward II, 1313-1317,
p. 265
[29] Calendar of Patent Rolls, Edward II, 1317-1321,
p. 58
[30]
A.J. Otway-Ruthven, A history of Medieval
Ireland (Ernest Benn, London, 1980), pp. 226, 227, 235
[31]
A. Gwynn & R.N. Hadcock, Medieval
Religious Houses: Ireland (Irish Academic Press, Dublin, 1988), p. 186
[32]
W.H. Bliss (ed.), Calendar of the Papal Registers
relating to Great Britain and Ireland (H.M.S.O., 1895), Vol. 2 (1305-1342),
p. 219
[33]
John Gilbert, History of the Viceroys of
Ireland, p. 145
[34]
Goddard Henry Orpen, Ireland under the
Normans, 1169-1333 (Four Courts Press, Dublin, 2005), vol. IV, pp. 198, 199,
200; Colm McNamee, The Wars of the
Bruces: Scotland, England and Ireland, 1306-1328 (Tuckwell Press, East
Linton, 1997), p. 185
[35] Calendar of Patent Rolls, Edward II,
1317-1321, p. 325
[36]
W.H. Bliss (ed.), Calendar of the Papal Registers
relating to Great Britain and Ireland (H.M.S.O., 1895), Vol. 2 (1305-1342),
p. 219
[37]
Rev. Denis Murphy (ed.), The Annals of
Clonmacnoise, p. 282 under the year 1318
[38]
W.H. Bliss (ed.), Calendar of the Papal Registers
relating to Great Britain and Ireland (H.M.S.O., 1895), Vol. 2 (1305-1342),
p. 219
[39]
John Gilbert, History of the Viceroys of
Ireland, p. 148
[40] Calendar of Patent Rolls, Edward II,
1317-1321, p. 503
[41]
Philomena Connolly (ed.), ‘Irish material in the class of Ancient Petitions
(SC8) in the Public Record Office, London’, in Analecta Hibernica, No. 34 (1987), p. 99; G.O. Sayles (ed.), Documents on the Affairs of Ireland before
the King’s Council (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1979), No. 148;
[42]
W.H. Bliss (ed.), Calendar of the Papal Registers
relating to Great Britain and Ireland (H.M.S.O., 1895), Vol. 2 (1305-1342),
p. 219
[43]
John Gilbert, History of the Viceroys of
Ireland, p. 145
[44]
W.G.H. Quigley & E.F.D. Roberts (eds.), Registrum
Iohannis Mey: The Register of John Mey, Archbishop of Armagh, 1443-1456 (Stationery
Office, Belfast, 1972), p. ix
[45]
Brendan Smith (ed.), The Register of Milo
Sweteman, Archbishop of Armagh, 1361-1380 (Irish Manuscripts Commission,
Dublin, 1996), pp. xvi, xvii, nos. 36, 117
[46]
Philomena Connolly (ed.), Irish Exchequer
Payments (Irish Manuscripts Commission, Dublin, 1998), pp. 222, 234, 240,
276, 308, 625
[47]
D.D.C. Pochin Mould, The Irish Dominicans
(Dominican Publications, Dublin, 1957), pp. 25, 26; Walter A. Philips, History of the Church of Ireland: From the
earliest times to the present day (3 vols. Oxford University Press, 1934),
Vol. 2, pp. 97, 99
[48]
John Watt, The Church in Medieval Ireland
(Gill & Macmillan, Dublin, 1972), p. 79
[49]
W.H. Bliss (ed.), Calendar of the Papal Registers
relating to Great Britain and Ireland (H.M.S.O., 1895), Vol. 2 (1305-1342),
p. 219
[50]
W.H. Bliss (ed.), Calendar of the Papal Registers
relating to Great Britain and Ireland (H.M.S.O., 1895), Vol. 2 (1305-1342),
p. 219
[51]
W.H. Bliss (ed.), Calendar of the Papal Registers
relating to Great Britain and Ireland (H.M.S.O., 1895), Vol. 2 (1305-1342),
p. 219
[52]
John Gilbert, History of the Viceroys of
Ireland, p. 145
[53]
Paul Dryburgh & Brendan Smith (eds.), Handbook
and Select Calendar of Sources for Medieval Ireland in the National Archives of
the United Kingdom (Four Courts Press, Dublin, 2005), p. 153
[54]
W.H. Bliss (ed.), Calendar of the Papal Registers
relating to Great Britain and Ireland (H.M.S.O., 1895), Vol. 2 (1305-1342),
p. 229
[55]
W.H. Bliss (ed.), Calendar of the Papal Registers
relating to Great Britain and Ireland (H.M.S.O., 1895), Vol. 2 (1305-1342),
p. 219
[56]
E.B. Fryde, D.E. Greenway, S. Porter and I. Roy (eds.), Handbook of British Chronology (Royal Historical Society, Cambridge
University Press, 2003), p. 335
[57]
Dom David Knowles, Religious Orders in
England, Vol. 2: The End of the Middle Ages (Cambridge University Press,
1979), p. 373
[58]
Christopher Harper-Bill (ed.), The cartulary
of the Augustinian Friars of Clare (Suffolk Record Society, Vol. 11, 1991),
p. 04, no. 168
[59]
Rosalind M.T. Hill (ed.), The Register of
William Melton, Archbishop of York, 1317-1340, Volume 1 (Canterbury &
York Society, Vol. LXX, 1977), no. 268
[60] Rosalind
M.T. Hill (ed.), The Register of William
Melton, Archbishop of York, Volume 1, no. 269
[61]
Rosalind M.T. Hill (ed.), The Register of
William Melton, Archbishop of York, Volume 1, nos. 5, 26
[62]
Rosalind M.T. Hill (ed.), The Register of
William Melton, Archbishop of York, Volume 1, no. 278
[63]
Rosalind M.T. Hill (ed.), The Register of
William Melton, Archbishop of York, Volume 1, no. 310
[64]
Rosalind M.T. Hill (ed.), The Register of
William Melton, Archbishop of York, Volume 1, nos. 311, 313, 359
[65] Katherine
Harvey, Episcopal appointments in
England, c.1214-1344 (Ashgate, Farnham, 1994), p. 164
[66]
Rosalind M.T. Hill (ed.), The Register of
William Melton, Archbishop of York, Volume 1, no. 348
No comments:
Post a Comment