William Toli and the Constantinople patriarch and the letter issued a month before time

William Toli and the Constantinople patriarch

and the letter issued a month before time

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

Sometime between 1342 and 1345 William Toli from Dunmow, Essex, in the diocese of London went overseas to fight for the Byzantine Empire against the Ottoman Turks.[1] William Toli was of humble origins yet still he went to fight in the Smyrna Crusade led by Henry, Patriarch of Constantinople.[2]

This patriarch of Constantinople was the Latin patriarch of the city, established following the Fourth Crusade capture of Constantinople in 1204. Henry de Asti was elected patriarch in 1339. Henry was also known as bishop of Negroponte.[3] 

In 1342 Patriarch Henry was commissioned by Pope Clement VII to lead a crusade against the Turkish controlled city of Smyrna. On 28^th October 1344 the city of Smyrna fell and Henry established his headquarters there. 

On 17^th January 1345 Patriarch Henry decided to celebrate a victory mass in a former church that was located between the Christian and Turkish lines. The patriarch was advised against it but he went ahead. While at mass the Turkish leader Umar attacked and in the ensuing battle Patriarch Henry was killed.[4] In his own account William Toli claimed that he was severely wounded in the battle of the Smyrna church when the patriarch was killed.[5] It is also possible that William Toli may have received his wounds in the battle fought when the Crusaders were trapped between the harbour walls and the Turkish cavalry.[6] Whatever the circumstances William Toli suffered these wounds for the rest of his life.[7]   

Dunmow in Essex by Paul Farmer

Reward for services

As a reward for his services on crusade William Toli received papal letters assigning him a benefice in the gift of the abbot and convent of St. Osyth's. The abbey of St. Osyth’s was one of the largest monasteries in Essex from which county William Toli came from. This assignment was annulled in 16 Kal January 1345 (that note of the date) when William Toli got a new papal mandate.[8] But before the annulment William Toli was also got an assignment of a poor clerk’s benefice in the gift of Barlinch Priory.[9] The Priory of St. Nicholas at Barlinch was a small Augustinian house in the parish of Brompton Regis in Somerset.  Humphrey de Umbiri was prior in the 1340s (he resigned in 1347).[10] On his way back to England William Toli lost at sea the papal letters assigning him a benefice in the gift of Barlinch Priory.[11]

But was it Barlinch or the St. Osyth provision that he lost. The petition letter says it was the abbey of Orlyche which the editor of the Papal Registers thought was Barlinch priory but there seems to be doubt about this interpretation.[12] The issued papal letter of 1345 said it was the St. Osyth abbey provision that was annulled.[13] It seems therefore that William Toli received only one reward for hi services on crusade and that was the benefice in the gift of St. Osyth abbey with W.H. Bliss misreading Osyth as Orlyche.

Ancient Smyrna by Georges Jansoone

Return to England

After the battle of Smyrna in 1345 William Toli returned to England still suffering from his war wounds. Therefore sometime before 16 Kal January 1345 William Toli petitioned the Pope for a benefice in the Diocese of London. This was granted for the amount of 25 marks with cure of souls and 15 marks without.[14] In 16 Kal January 1345 William Toli got new papal letters giving him a reservation of a benefice in the gift of the Bishop of London to the value of 25 marks with cure of souls, or 15 marks without. To help William Toli get a benefice a concurrent mandate was issued to Francis Orsini, treasurer of York and papal notary, along with the abbot of Tiltey, and another named cleric.[15]

Getting a papal letter

The death of Patriarch Henry and the papal letters given to William Toli all seem to happen in mid-January 1345. Yet the process of getting a papal letter takes some time longer than a few days.

The first step in securing a papal letter for a benefice or other religious office was filing a petition to the Pope in Avignon (the Popes lived at Avignon in France from 1309 to 1376). This was done in person or by proxy. At Avignon the Referendary was the first to examine the petition and make sure it was written in the proper manner. Next the petition went to the Datary to receive a date stamp after which it went to the Registry of Supplications. Here the petitioner paid a fee to have the petition registered within three days.

Next the petitioner went to the Vice-Chancellor in the Chancery, where another fee was paid to have the letter of grace recorded in the books. An Abbreviator in the Chancery then wrote out the papal letter granting the petition in precise words agreed with the petitioner. If a reservation of a benefice was desired, as in the case of William Toli, then two letters were made; one for the petitioner and another for three nominated executors.

After the letter was noted in the Chancery records the petitioner went to the Rescribendarius and the Computista where another fee was charged to write up the papal letters proper and more money to the scriptor who did the actual writing. The Rescribendary dated the letters and applied any notarial marks and signed it. Yet this was not the end of the process. Now another Abbreviator was needed to recheck all the wording of the papal letter against the petition and the various records made during the process. The letter then went to the Bullator who affix the type of bulla needed on the letter in return for a fee. The letter then went to the office of the Lateran Registers where it was registered within three days on payment of another fee along with a tax set by the Rescribendary. After all this the petitioner finally got his papal letter.[16]   

The Pope's Palace at Avignon

William Toli’s papal letters before the event

William Toli would have gone through this process of the getting a papal letter of provision at least twice but it would have still taken a week or two at any time. Yet it appears that William Toli received his final papal letter on 16 Kal January 1345 before the battle of Smyrna and the death of Patriarch Henry occurred. This is because 16 Kal January 1345 is not actually in January 1345 but is the papal way of dating documents. In the normal calendar used the world over 16 Kal January 1345 is 17^th December 1344, a full month before the death of Patriarch Henry. We also have the story in William’s petition to the Pope that he lost the assignment to St. Osyth abbey while at sea on his way back to England.

The battle of Smyrna happened on 14^th or 17^th January 1345 and possibly a few days afterwards in mopping up operations. The evacuated crusaders would first be taken by ship to Greece and later via the same ship or another be transported back to Italy or southern France from where the crusaders would make their own way home. If William Toli left Smyrna in January 1345 and got back to France he would then possibly have travelled to Avignon in southern France to meet the papal officials and get a new benefice provision to replace the lost on of St. Osyth. All of this would have taken time and it would be February or March 1345 before the business at Avignon would be completed. Why then was the papal letter of provision back dated to the 17^th December 1344, a month before everything happened?

Maybe W.H. Bliss made another misreading of the faded fourteenth century handwriting and took 16 Kal January 1346 to be 16 Kal January 1345 as 5 and 6 are not too dissimilar from each other. Many of the other letters surrounding the William Toli letter in the Papal Registers are dated sometime in 1346.[17] If so then the papal letter of provision of a benefice in the diocese of London was issued on 17^th December 1345 which would give William Toli enough time to get back to Europe and recover from his wounds such that he was able to get the money together to petition for the new provision to replace the lost one of St. Osyth. Otherwise William Toli was an exceptional person who could see the future and so got a papal letter a month before he needed it. Maybe some other documents will surface in the future to work out better the story of William Toli in 1345 and his relationship with Patriarch Henry and the Papal Court but for the moment we will leave it there.

Bibliography

Bliss, W.H. (ed.), Calendar of entries in the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland: Petitions to the Pope (London, 1896), Vol. 1, A.D. 1342-1419

Bliss, W.H. & Johnson, C. (eds.), Calendar of entries in the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland (London, 1897), Vol. 3, 1342-1362

Guard, T., Chivalry, Kingship and Crusade: The English Experience in the Fourteenth Century (Woodbridge, 2013)

Haren, M.J. (ed.), Calendar of entries in the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. XV, Innocent VIII: Lateran Registers 1484-1492 (Dublin, 1978)

Weaver, Rev. F.W., ‘Barlinch Priory’, in the Somersetshire Archaeological and Natural History Society: Proceedings, 1908, Vol. 54, pp. 79-106

==================

End of post

=================

---

[1] Bliss, W.H. (ed.), Calendar of entries in the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland: Petitions to the Pope (London, 1896), Vol. 1, A.D. 1342-1419, p. 90

[2] Guard, T., Chivalry, Kingship and Crusade: The English Experience in the Fourteenth Century (Woodbridge, 2013), p. 119

[3] www.wikipedia.org/wiki/Latin_Patriarch_of_Constantinople#List_of_Latin_Patriarchs_of_Constantinople accessed on 10^th April 2013

[4] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Henry_of_Asti accessed on 26th August 2017; Tresor de Chronologie, p. 2199 says that Patriarch Henry was killed on 14^th January 1345

[5] Bliss, W.H. & Johnson, C. (eds.), Calendar of entries in the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland (London, 1897), Vol. 3, 1342-1362, p. 186

[6] Guard, Chivalry, Kingship and Crusade: The English Experience in the Fourteenth Century, p. 36

[7] Guard, Chivalry, Kingship and Crusade: The English Experience in the Fourteenth Century, p. 119

[8] Bliss & Johnson (eds.), Calendar of entries in the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. 3, 1342-1419, p. 186

[9] Bliss (ed.), Calendar of entries in the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland: Petitions to the Pope, Vol. 1, A.D. 1342-1419, p. 90

[10] www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=40931 accessed on 10^th April 2013

[11] Bliss & Johnson (eds.), Calendar of entries in the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. 3, 1342-1419, p. 186

[12] Weaver, Rev. F.W., ‘Barlinch Priory’, in the Somersetshire Archaeological and Natural History Society: Proceedings, 1908, Vol. 54, pp. 79-106, at p. 84

[13] Bliss & Johnson (eds.), Calendar of entries in the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. 3, 1342-1419, p. 186

[14] Bliss (ed.), Calendar of entries in the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland: Petitions to the Pope, Vol. 1, A.D. 1342-1419, p. 90

[15] Bliss & Johnson (eds.), Calendar of entries in the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. 3, 1342-1362, p. 186

[16] Haren, M.J. (ed.), Calendar of entries in the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. XV, Innocent VIII: Lateran Registers 1484-1492 (Dublin, 1978), pp. xv, xvi, xvii, xviii

[17] Bliss & Johnson (eds.), Calendar of entries in the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. 3, 1342-1419, p. 186

Luttrell of Luttrellstown: early records

Luttrell of Luttrellstown: early records

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

Introduction

In 1768 Simon Luttrell of Luttrellstown near Dublin was raised to the peerage and took the title of Baron Irnham. Later in 1781 and 1785 he was created Viscount Carhampton nd Earl of Carhampton respectively. With these titles Simon Luttrell was claiming to be a descendant of the original stock of Luttrell of Lincolnshire and more particularly that of the branch of the Luttrell family established in Somerset. But there is no evidence to support this connection with the Somerset family. Indeed the Luttrell arms of Luttrellstown which bore a chevron between three otters was different from the Luttrell family of Dunster, Somerset which was a bend between six mantlets.[1]

Luttrellstown Castle

Early Luttrells in Ireland

The first of the Luttrell family to be associated with Ireland was Geoffrey Luttrell in the time of King John. As well as serving the King in that country, Geoffrey Luttrell acquired some land.[2] In 1218 an inquisition into these lands was ordered as Philip Marc was to have custody of the property during the minority of Geoffrey’s heir. Other documents tell us the heir was a daughter and Philip Marc had the right of marriage.[3] Because Geoffrey Luttrell left a female heir it is unlikely that the later Luttrells of Luttrellstown were his descendants.

Additional documents show other people by the name of Luttrell living in medieval Ireland. In 1228 Robert Luttrell was canon of St. Patrick’s Dublin and treasurer of the cathedral. In 1245 Robert Luttrell served for a short time as Chancellor of Ireland.[4] Towards the end of the thirteenth century Michael Luttrell held land near Lucan, Co. Dublin.[5] In 1300 Nicholas Luttrell was involved in the court case between Reginald de Dene and Thomas son of Alured.[6] In about 1306 Geoffrey Luttrell was a witness in an inquisition by Walter de la Haye concerning the property of the Hospital of St. John the Baptist outside the New Gate of Dublin.[7] In 1349 Simon Luttrell lived near Lucan and in the reign of Henry V, Robert Luttrell, son of John Luttrell, claimed to own the lands of the afore mentioned Simon Luttrell.[8] In about 1360 another Michael Luttrell held about 50 acres of the Archbishop of Dublin at Johnston.[9] This was possibly the same Michael Luttrell who was a witness concerning the Archbishop of Dublin’s property around Finglas.[10] In 1391 John Luttrell was one of the attorneys for the parson of Ballygarth.[11]

Robert Luttrell

The first of the Luttrell family to be associated with Luttrellstown as per the documentary evidence was Robert Luttrell in the early fifteenth century. In 1408 Robert Luttrell is mentioned as tenant of Luttrellstown from the Tyrell family at the manor of Castleknock. William Bolthame was an under tenant of Robert at Luttrellstown by the service of 20d rent. William Bolthame was also a tenant of Robert Luttrell at Tyremoln, Barbiestown, and Fynnaghland.[12] In about 1402 Robert Luttrell took Nicholas Whit, vicar of Carbery, to the common bench at Carlow on a plea of debt.[13] In 1420 Robert Luttrell was one of the subsidy collectors and again in 1421 when he was assisted by John Luttrell.[14]

Luttrellstown castle 

Christopher Luttrell

In the mid fifteenth century Christopher Luttrell was the owner of Luttrellstown. On 25^th March 1455 Christopher Luttrell of Clonchillagh (Clonsilla) died leaving a son called Thomas Luttrell who was nineteen years old and married to Elena, daughter of Philip Bellew. On 4^th August 1455 an inquisition post mortem held at Castleknock, Co. Dublin found Christopher Luttrell to have Luttrellstown, held of the manor of Castleknock for 3s 4d per annum; along with Clonsilla which was held of the same manor at 30s per annum; a piece of ground called Tyremolyn which was held at 8s per annum and Barbyeston, held of Castleknock at 47s per annum. For these lands, Christopher Luttrell did royal service and suit of court at the manor of Castleknock.[15]

This inquisition shows that the Luttrell family had Luttrellstown in 1455 but that they were living in Clonsilla. It also shows that the family held no land in chief of the king but instead rented Luttrellstown and other lands from the manor of Castleknock. Evidence from elsewhere shows the Tyrrell family as lords of Castleknock in 1255 and 1355 and possibly in the time of Christopher Luttrell.[16] In 1537 John Burnell and Sir Christopher Barnewall shared the manor of Castleknock in two halves.[17]

Not all the land in Luttrellstown was the sole possession of the Luttrell family. In 1537 John Burnell, lord of Castleknock, held some land in Luttrellstown.[18]

Thomas Luttrell

The heir of Christopher Luttrell was a nineteen year old son called Thomas Luttrell. In 1532 Thomas Luttrell of Luttrellstown owed fealty and suit for lands at Baltra to Thomas Holywood (died 26^th September 1532).[19] On 27^th June 1541 Peter, Earl of Ormond, granted 4 marks per year to Thomas Luttrell of Luttrellstown for good service from the lands formerly held by George Shaw.[20] In 1547 Thomas Luttrell of Luttrellstown rented two messuages in Esker from St. Patrick’s Cathedral.[21]

As an ambitious landowner Sir Thomas Luttrell got involved in the dissolution of the monasteries acquired the lands of St Mary's Abbey at Coolmine. Yet previous to 1540 Sir Thomas Luttrell had a lease on a number of religious properties including the tithes of Clane, Co. Kildare from Kilmainham priory along with the rectories of Rathmoylan and Killocongon in Co. Meath.[22] In politics from 1532 to 1554 Sir Thomas Luttrell was Chief Justice of the Irish Common Pleas.

The will of Sir Thomas Luttrell of Luttrellstown, written on 31^st December 1553, listed lands in many different places. Some of these lands were held by ancient inheritance but other property was recently acquired such as the seven parishes which were formerly owned by the dissolved house of St. John the Baptist outside the New Gate.[23]

In his will Thomas Luttrell of Luttrellstown proposed to divide his estate among his six sons, James, Simon, Robert, John, Walter and Christopher. While the sons were under twenty years of age the rents of the Luttrell property would be received by Thomas Luttrell’s brother-in-law, John Plunket of Dunshaughlin, James Barnewall, his brother, Robert Luttrell Archdeacon of Meath and his sons-in-law Luke Nettervill and Thomas Dillon. Thomas Luttrell also provided for his daughters. Maude Luttrell was to get a marriage portion of £200 while Amy, wife of Thomas Dillon, and Margaret, wife of Luke Nettervill, were to get £10 each.[24]

Christopher Luttrell

The son and heir of Thomas Luttrell was Christopher Luttrell and he was to have the manor and manor house of Luttrellstown along with property at Knockrudder, Babeston, Curtayheston, Ashburneslandes, Ballynconulley, Delquin, Ballydonnogh, Stagery, Ballmakee, Brewon and all the lands in the parish of Clonsilla with reminder to James, Simon, John and Walter Luttrell. Christopher Luttrell was also to receive the family silver of basins and spoons. If James Luttrell should succeed to Luttrellstown and the other property of Christopher Luttrell then he was to cease to have Athboy which would pass to Simon Luttrell and if Simon Luttrell succeeded then Athboy was to go to Robert Luttrell and so on.

If all these brothers should die or fail to produce male heirs, Nicholas Luttrell, son of Robert Luttrell was to succeed. Robert Luttrell was an uncle of Thomas Luttrell of Luttrellstown.[25]

Elsewhere in the will Thomas Luttrell directed that the manors of Dunboyne and Moymitt along with the tithes of Colonshilighe, the lands of Dunboyne called Sopocke, held on lease from Patrick Luttrell, certain lands in Clanhuston and Dunboyne, the lands ad rents in Skagobbe, Hunteiston and other property were to go to the son who inherited Luttrellstown. But if that son was a minor the revenue of the aforesaid property would be shared among the surviving sons.[26]

Other bequests of Thomas Luttrell

In his will, Thomas Luttrell of Luttrellstown also left bequests to other family members such as £200 to Anne Luttrell, daughter of his son Richard Luttrell. But if Anne Luttrell married Edward Plunket of Balrathe, the wardship of whom Thomas Luttrell had purchased, then Anne was to get only 50 marks. Elizabeth Luttrell, daughter of Simon Luttrell, Thomas’s brother was to get 50 marks also as she was already married. Her sisters, Mary and Catherine were unmarried and so they were given £200 each as a marriage portion.[27]  

Towards the end of his will, Thomas Luttrell directed that money be spent on the repair of Malahide Bridge. He also asked for the chancel of Clonsilla church to be widened and his tomb placed in this new part of the church.[28] On 15^th May 1554 Thomas Luttrell of Luttrellstown died.[29]

The Luttrell family continued at Luttrellstown castle until 1811 when the then owner, Henry Lawes Luttrell, 2^nd Earl of Carhampton, sold it to Henry White, a successful bookseller.[30]

===========

End of post

===========

---

[1] Maxwell-Lyte, H., A History of Dunster and the Families of Mohun and Luttrell (2 vols. St. Catherine Press, London, 1909), Vol. II, pp. 539, 540

[2] Maxwell-Lyte, A History of Dunster and the Families of Mohun and Luttrell, Vol. II, p. 540

[3] Sweetman, H.S. (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland (5 vols. Kraus reprint, 1974), Vol. 1 (1171-1251), nos. 821, 861, 889

[4] Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1251), nos. 1651, 1652, 1655, 1656, 1661, 1665, 1691, 1717, 1773, 2796

[5] Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 3 (1285-1292), pp. 97, 157; Calendar of Justiciary Rolls, 1295-1301, pp. 76, 222, 301; Mills, J. (ed.), Calendar of the Justiciary Rolls of Ireland, XXII to XXXI, Edward 1 (Dublin, 1905), p. 222

[6] Mills, J. (ed.), Calendar of the Justiciary Rolls of Ireland, XXII to XXXI, Edward 1 (Dublin, 1905), p. 301

[7] Brooks, E. St. John (ed.), Register of the Hospital of St. John the Baptist without the New Gate, Dublin (Dublin, 1936), no. 302

[8] Maxwell-Lyte, A History of Dunster and the Families of Mohun and Luttrell, Vol. II, p. 540

[9] McNeill, C. (ed.), Calendar of Archbishop’s Alen’s Register c.1172-1534 (Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, 1950), pp. 213

[10] Dryburgh, P. & Smith, B. (ed.), Handbook and Select Calendar of Sources for Medieval Ireland in the National Archives of the United Kingdom (Dublin, 2005), p. 157

[11] https://chancery.tcd.ie/document/patent/15-richard-ii/96 accessed on 20th August 2017

[12] https://chancery.tcd.ie/document/patent/9-henry-iv/37 accessed on 20th August 2017

[13] https://chancery.tcd.ie/document/patent/4-henry-iv/19 accessed on 20th August 2017

[14] Richardson, H.G. & Sayles, G.O. (ed.), Parliaments and Councils of Medieval Ireland, volume 1 (Dublin, 1947), pp. 142, 180

[15] Griffith, M.C. (ed.), Calendar of inquisitions formerly in the Office of the Chief Remembrancer of the Exchequer prepared from the MSS of the Irish Record Commission (Irish Manuscripts Commission, Dublin, 1991), no. H VI

[16] McNeill (ed.), Calendar of Archbishop’s Alen’s Register c.1172-1534, pp. 81, 209

[17] Griffith (ed.), Calendar of inquisitions in Office of the Chief Remembrancer, no. H VIII 105

[18] Griffith (ed.), Calendar of inquisitions in Office of the Chief Remembrancer, no. H VIII 105

[19] Griffith (ed.), Calendar of inquisitions in Office of the Chief Remembrancer, no. H VIII 65

[20] Griffith (ed.), Calendar of inquisitions in Office of the Chief Remembrancer, no. E VI 3

[21] Griffith (ed.), Calendar of inquisitions in Office of the Chief Remembrancer, no. E VI 1 (2)

[22] McNeill, C. (ed.), Registrum de Kilmainham: Register of Charter Acts of the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem in Ireland, 1326-1339 (Dublin, n.d.), pp. 145, 149

[23] Griffith (ed.), Calendar of inquisitions in Office of the Chief Remembrancer, no. P & M 24, note 1

[24] Griffith (ed.), Calendar of inquisitions in Office of the Chief Remembrancer, no. P & M 24, note 1

[25] Griffith (ed.), Calendar of inquisitions in Office of the Chief Remembrancer, no. P & M 24, note 1

[26] Griffith (ed.), Calendar of inquisitions in Office of the Chief Remembrancer, no. P & M 24, note 1

[27] Griffith (ed.), Calendar of inquisitions in Office of the Chief Remembrancer, no. P & M 24, note 1

[28] Griffith (ed.), Calendar of inquisitions in Office of the Chief Remembrancer, no. P & M 24, note 1

[29] Griffith (ed.), Calendar of inquisitions in Office of the Chief Remembrancer, no. P & M 24

[30] http://www.luttrellstowncastle.com/files/hotel/downloads/Castle_History_Booklet.pdf accessed on 20th August 2017

Stone houses in the medieval Ormond Deeds

Stone houses in the medieval Ormond Deeds

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

The medieval landscape as we see it today can be misleading. The strong stone built castles of the thirteenth century along with the stone tower houses of the fifteenth and sixteenth century mixed with the stone churches and abbeys gives the idea that the elite lived in stone structures and the ordinary people were in mud and timber houses. But scattered across the medieval landscape are references to stone houses that are not the homes of the elite. We may venture to call their occupants upper middle class or lower upper class but they certainly were not the great territorial lords.

The Ormond deeds preserved at Kilkenny castle and now at the National Library of Ireland contain references to stone houses across the Ormond lordship and not always in the land of peace. This article recounts some of these stone houses that were built in both urban and rural settings across the Earldom.

Kells, Co. Kilkenny

The borough town of Kells in Co. Kilkenny was of modest size compared to other medieval towns with about 71 burgages. Early charters of William FitzGeoffrey allow the burgesses to have timber from the lord’s woods to help build their houses of timber, mud, clay and a sprinkling of stone.[1] Yet in the midst of the Kells town was a substantial stone house that features in a number of deeds. In March 1332 John Trumpour of Kells granted to William son of Richard Coterel a great stone house in the midst of Kells together with an empty tenement adjoining. This property had been granted to John Trumpour for life by Arnold le Poer.[2]

Later in August 1332 John Trumpour issues a new grant to William Coterel of the great stone house in the midst of the town of Kells together with the vacant plot adjacent to it. This grant was for the life of William Coterel.[3] In the following month (September 1332) Eustace son of Arnold le Poer granted to William Coterel all his claim in a great stone house in the mid-street of Kells together with the empty residence near adjoining.[4]

In November 1333 Eustace son of Arnold le Poer sealed a deed whereby he guaranteed that if William Coterel was impleaded or disturbed in his possession of a stone house with a tenement in Kells then Eustace would pay William one hundred pounds of silver. The potential people who could disturb William Coterel were cited as Eustace le Poer and his brother, John son of Arnold le Poer.[5]

In 1337 William son of Richard Coterel granted to Perceval his son, the great stone house in the midst of the town of Kells which William had by gift of Eustace son of Arnold le Poer. Perceval Coterel was to hold the house for life by the yearly service of forty shillings.[6]

A stone tower on the boundary wall of Kells priory

Callan, Co. Kilkenny

A few miles down the road from Kells is the medieval town of Callan. This town like many others had its numerous timber houses yet it also had at least one stone building. In 1401 the Earl of Ormond received 2d in rent from Edward Perers, knight, for a stone house in Callan that was formerly held by Adam Norragh.[7]

Carrickmacgriffin, Co. Tipperary

South from Callan on the lower banks of the River Suir was situated the medieval town of Carrickmacgriffin which today is better known as Carrick-on-Suir. It had a stone house which was owned by a woman of the Irish nation which in medieval terms was a double usual occurrence. In June 1529 Katherine Casshyn, daughter and heiress of William Casshyn, gave to William Maddan, and his wife Joan Walch, a stone house in Carrickmacgriffin (Carrick-on-Suir) situated between the main street on the north and the River Suir on the south and between Katherine’s land on the east and Harry Neyll’s land on the east. William Maddan was to have the stone house for forty years paying 6s 8d in annual rent. In March 1530 Katherine Casshyn and her husband William Riordan renewed the forty year lease to William Maddan of the stone house with garden but now at only 6s rent per year. In January 1536 Katherine Casshyn gave full possession of the stone house with garden to William Madan.[8]

Map of Carrickmacgriffin showing the stone house

Clonmel, Co. Tipperary

Upriver from Carrick-on-Suir was the important medieval town of Clonmel, headquarters of the liberty of Tipperary. Here we have just a passing reference to a stone house in the town of which there could have been other stone houses that didn’t make it into the surviving documents. On 11^th November 1388 John Baroun and Alice Lowys his mother, gave a messuage in Clonmel to John Lowys lying between their stone house on the north side and the River Suir on the south side.[9]

Slebogy manor, Co. Tipperary

Having seen stone houses in an urban environment, there are also a number of references to stone houses in rural Co. Tipperary, some built and some proposed to be built. The stone house at Slebogy falls into the latter category. In 1336 Robert son of Henry Crok agreed with the Earl of Ormond that if Robert did not build and inhabit the lands of Slebogy within five years then the Earl had the right to distrain for the agreed rent of eight marks and twelve pence of royal service. It was also agreed that if Robert didn’t build a stone house on the property then the Earl could resume possession of the manor.[10]

A number of medieval deeds relating to a land leases contain a provision for the tenant to build a house upon the land within a specific time period. In April 1417 Archbishop Thomas of Dublin made a lease for fifty years to Thomas Locum of land at Tany by Dundrum. As part of the lease, Thomas Locum was to build a ‘sufficient’ house of stone measuring 18 feet by 26 feet within the walls and 40 feet high below the battlement. If Locum didn’t build the house within the four year period then the Archbishop could re-enter the property and resume possession like at Slbogy.[11]

Near Thurles, Co. Tipperary

In July 1416 Richard Walsh and Philip Walsh, chaplains, said that if John son of William Casse and Hugh Cass gave them twenty-four marks then the chaplains would give them a stone house along with all other messuages, lands, rents and tenements with a rabbit warren, meadows and pastures in Rathsowagh and Lysdowf near Thurles.[12] Unfortunately we are not told in which townland was the stone house situated in.

Le Norragh, Co. Kildare

Beyond the normal areas of the Ormond earldom the surviving documents record other stone houses such as at le Norragh in Co. Kildare. In November 1332 Walter de Veel appointed Nicholas Barbedor his attorney for placing Henry le Veel in full seisin of a stone messuage and twenty acres of land in Le Norragh, Co. Kildare.[13] A stone messuage would suggest the occupant was a middle class person, certainly above the vast majority of ordinary people.

Rosponte

Beyond these examples of stone houses there are other references in the surviving documents to important people who could have had a stone house or two. Sometime before April 1235 the bailiffs of Leinster had retained a plot in the town of the new bridge of Ross with the intention of building a house there for use by Earl of Pembroke. It seems the house was not built or not in the size the builders had hoped for. In April 1235 Gilbert the Marshal, Earl of Pembroke granted to William de Gloucester, burgess of Kilkenny, half the plot for 2 shillings per year.[14] It would be presumed that any house built for the Earl Marshal would be of stone but as the document is silent as to the exact materials used, it would be dangerous to speculate.

Conclusion

The above references are not exclusive to the Ormond deeds. Other medieval archive collections also have references to stone houses and stone messuages.[15]

That stone houses were rare in the medieval landscape is seen by the specific reference to the house been built of stone. For if stone houses were common then it would not make much sense to mention a stone house in a deed when it could be confused with other stone houses in the same area. Maybe someday archaeology could identify some of these stones houses and gives us a better understanding of their size and the type pf people who lived there.

Bibliography

Clyne, M. (ed.), Kells Priory, Co. Kilkenny: archaeological excavations by T. Fanning and M. Clyne (Dublin, 2007)

Curtis, E. (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, volume 1, 1172-1350 A.D. (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1932)

Curtis, E. (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, volume II, 1350-1413 A.D. (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1934)

Curtis, E. (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, volume III, 1413-1509 A.D. (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1935)

Curtis, E. (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, volume IV, 1509-1547 A.D. (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1937)

McNeill, C. (ed.), Calendar of Archbishop Alen’s Register, c.1172-1534 (Dublin, 1950)

Mills, J. & McEnery, M.J. (eds.), Calendar of the Gormanston Register (Dublin, 1916)

==================

End of post

===================

---

[1] Clyne, M. (ed.), Kells Priory, Co. Kilkenny: archaeological excavations by T. Fanning and M. Clyne (Dublin, 2007), p. 26

[2] Curtis, E. (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, volume 1, 1172-1350 A.D. (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1932), no. 637

[3] Curtis (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, vol. 1, 1172-1350 A.D., no. 648

[4] Curtis (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, vol. 1, 1172-1350 A.D., no. 649

[5] Curtis (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, vol. 1, 1172-1350 A.D., no. 665

[6] Curtis (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, vol. 1, 1172-1350 A.D., no. 697

[7] Curtis, E. (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, volume II, 1350-1413 A.D. (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1934), p. 255

[8] Curtis, E. (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, volume IV, 1509-1547 A.D. (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1937), pp. 132, 143, 166

[9] Curtis (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, vol. II, 1350-1413 A.D., p. 210

[10] Curtis (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, vol. 1, 1172-1350 A.D., no. 679

[11] McNeill, C. (ed.), Calendar of Archbishop Alen’s Register, c.1172-1534 (Dublin, 1950), p. 237

[12] Curtis, E. (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, volume III, 1413-1509 A.D. (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1935), p. 14

[13] Curtis (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, vol. 1, 1172-1350 A.D., no. 650

[14] Curtis (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, vol. 1, 1172-1350 A.D., no. 86

[15] Mills, J. & McEnery, M.J. (eds.), Calendar of the Gormanston Register (Dublin, 1916), pp. 85, 86, 113, 159; McNeill (ed.), Calendar of Archbishop Alen’s Register, c.1172-1534, pp. 80, 157, 170, 185, 189, 215, 237, 239, 254, 259