Thursday, November 5, 2015

A lease for a knight in 13th century Gloucestershire

A lease for a knight in 13th century Gloucestershire

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

Introduction

Reading medieval land deeds offers us a snapshot into the lives of people, in many cases ordinary people, who lived many centuries ago. These deeds can be of a common yet varied nature such as David le Blund granting a croft for life to Richard Pointel at a rent of 12 pence per year or Edelina le Franceys granting a messuage and curtilage to John the tailor in free marriage with her daughter Maud.[1] Then along comes a deed with a difference.

Lease for a knight

Shortly before Michaelmas (29th September) 1241 Sir Nicholas de Oxhey and Petronilla his wife made a lease to Sir William de Putot of their part of the arable land at Koneham (Conham in Gloucestershire, now a suburb of Bristol) which they held in demesne. The lease was for five years at a half mark (6s 8d) per year rent. For the lease Sir William de Putot gave Sir Nicholas de Oxhey thirty shillings for the expenses of a knight which Sir Nicholas de Oxhey had in the army with the king in Wales. Sir William de Putot also provided a horse and arms to help the cause.[2] 

Sir Nicholas de Oxhey and Sir William de Putot had married two sisters, both called Petronilla.[3]

War in Wales

In 1240 Llywelyn the Great and Henry III embarked on three military campaigns to expand his power in Wales. New castles were constructed and the royal lands in the County of Chester were expanded, while in South Wales the English area of influence gradually expanded. Dafydd, Llywelyn's son, resisted the incursions, but died in 1246, and Henry confirmed the Treaty of Woodstock the following year with Owain and Llywelyn ap Gruffudd, Llywelyn the Great's grandsons, under which they ceded land to the King but retained the heart of their princedom in Gwynedd.[4]



Adam and Robert de Damneville

Adam de Damneville was lord of Bitton and Mangotsfiled in the time of Henry II and his son Robert de Damneville the elder was lord of the two manors in the time of Richard I and Henry III. Robert de Damneville the elder married Petronilla, one of the three daughters and coheirs of Roger de Croxley of Oxhey manor in Hertfordshire. They had one son, Robert de Damneville the younger and two daughters, both called Petronilla who married Sir Nicholas de Oxhey and Sir William Putot.[5] The Petronilla de Damneville who married Sir Nicholas de Oxhey was the eldest daughter of Robert de Damneville the elder.[6]

Sir Nicholas de Oxhey

It is possible that Nicholas de Oxhey came to Gloucestershire in the company of Petronilla de Croxley. Little is known of his early history. Before 1229 he had married Petronilla de Damneville. In about October 1229 Nicholas de Oxhey made a fine with the king of twenty marks to have seisin of half the lands formerly held by Robert de Damneville. These lands had descended to Petronilla de Damneville, wife of Nicholas de Oxhey, as her inheritance. It would appear that her brother, Robert de Damneville the younger was dead by 1229 so that she could inherit half her father’s property. By the same order Nicholas de Oxhey was not to be made a knight at that time. It would seem that Nicholas de Oxhey was not too well known to the royal court as his name was first written as Nicholas of Oxford before been corrected to Nicholas of Oxhey. In the same year of 1229 Nicholas de Oxhey was allowed relief on the twenty marks he owed the king for the one knight’s fee that he held.[7]

In June 1236 Nicholas de Oxhey and Petronilla his wife, granted one yardland in Bitton to Adam Malet for the rent of 12d per year and doing foreign service. In February 1237 Nicholas and Petronilla de Oxhey granted another one yardland in Bitton to Robert son of Robert of Bitton at a rent of 4s per year without doing foreign service.[8]

In August 1241 Henry III granted to Nicholas de Oxhey that he could pay the fine of twenty marks, imposed upon him by the justice’s itinerant when last in Gloucestershire, at a rate of five marks per year. He could also pay the five marks in two instalments, namely half at Easter and half at Michaelmas.[9]

About 1244 Nicholas de Oxhey assigned a certain rent at Oxhey in Hertfordshire to the poor of that place. The prior of Hurley disputed his right to give the rent and mortgage the manor. In 1245 the prior recovered the mortgage on Oxhey from Elias Episcopus, a Jew of London.[10]

Late in the reign of Henry III Sir Nicholas de Oxhey, with the assent of Petronilla, his wife, granted a half virgate of land in Bitton to William his Hayward for 2s rent per year. This land remained in the Hayward family until 1338 when Mabel, daughter and heir of Geoffrey le Hayward granted it to John, son of Edmond le Blount in return for a house in Bitton that John built for her.[11]

It would appear that Sir Nicholas de Oxhey and Petronilla de Damneville had no children. A person called Richard de Oxhey succeeded to Nicholas’s land at Oxhey in Hertfordshire but it is no clear if he was a son or relative.[12] Petronilla de Damnevile survived her husband and granted her part of Bitton manor near Bristol to her niece Petronilla le Blount.[13]

Sir William de Putot

The ancestry of William de Putot is unknown. He first appears in the late twelfth century when he witnessed the grant of land at Wingrave in Buckinghamshire from Robert Pippard to his brother William Pippard. Another witness was Gilbert Pippard, an adventurer in Ireland.[14]

Early in the reign of Henry III Robert de Damneville the younger granted one third of the manor of Bitton, which Petronilla de Croxley, his mother, held in dower, to William Putot.[15] Sometime between 1207 and 1230 Robert de Damneville granted Chulrenehull in the manor of Mangotsfield, Gloucestershire to William Putot with the marriage of his daughter, Petronilla. The rent for this land was a pair of white gloves.[16]

In March 1231 King Henry III released Sir William de Putot from an annual payment of 20s to the constable of Bristol from his lands at Mangotsfield that was used to support the garrison. By the same charter King Henry granted Sir William de Putot a weekly market every Tuesday in the manor of Bitton.[17]

William de Putot as sheriff of Cornwall

Sometime before 1221 William de Putot was sheriff of Cornwall. In December 1221 the new sheriff of Cornwall was to deliver to the exchequer all arrears owed to William de Putot when he was in office. In late 1220 William de Putot was in the service of Hubert de Burgh, justiciar of England, and was commissioned by the king to examine the pledges of John son of Richard. John had offered the king 1,000 marks per year for the King’s stannaries’ in Cornwall.[18] William de Putot had briefly acquired the stannaries’ in October 1220 but the offer from John son of Richard was too good for the crown to pass over.[19]

Berkshire and France

In May 1224 William de Putot and Robert of Narford stood pledges to the king for Adam son of Hervey to pay a fine of 100s for the lands of Tidmarsh in Berkshire.[20] Shortly after Sir William de Putot was in France and in September 1224 carried a letter back to England from Hugh de Vivonia to Henry III.[21]

William de Putot as sheriff of Gloucestershire

Between 1225 and 1229 William de Putot witnessed a grant of land by Osbert Giffard to the Hospital of St. Bartholomew at Gloucester. From 1225 to 1232 Sir William de Putot was sheriff of Gloucestershire.[22] At the same time he was also constable of Gloucester Castle. In September 1230 Sir William de Putot, sheriff of Gloucestershire, was mandated by the king to receive 1,000 marks of the king’s money from Ireland from George Desafuble and Ralph Blundas. In October 1230 King Henry III received the money from Sir William de Putot.[23]

In that same October of 1230 Sir William de Putot was on the king’s business and was allowed not to attend the Exchequer to settle his account as sheriff of Gloucestershire. Instead Peter of Badgeworth was allowed attend on William’s behalf. If the Exchequer were not pleased with Peter’s account then the Exchequer could not proceed against William until William personally attended the Exchequer.[24]

In July 1232 Wiliam de Putot received a further 1,200 marks from Ireland and at first stored it at Bristol until told to take it to Gloucester. Later that July King Henry III received the money from William de Putot.[25]

In June 1232 William de Putot was with the king and remained with the king for much of the year. Because of this William de Putot was not able to attend the Exchequer and settle his account as sheriff of Gloucestershire for the Easter term. It was therefore permitted that Oliver, clerk of William, could attend the Exchequer and settle the account.[26]

With his work as sheriff of Cornwall and of Gloucestershire along with his association with Hubert de Burgh, Sir William de Putot had built up a good relationship with King Henry III. In July 1236 Henry III described Sir William de Putot as his “beloved and faithful” friend. For this friendship Sir William de Putot could pay the ten marks he owed the king in two instalments, namely half at Michaelmas and half at Easter 1237. The sheriff of Gloucestershire was informed of these term less he attempt to recover the full account in one go.[27]

William de Putot and the Berkeley family

Sir William de Putot had a long association with the Berkeley family of Berkeley Castle. In 1219-1220 William de Putot and Ralph of Norwich were to account at the Exchequer for twelve cows and monies from the lands of Robert de Berkeley. In July 1220 William de Putot and Ralph of Norwich were to deliver lands at Gossington and Hurst in the Honor of Berkeley to the Bishop of Winchester. In August 1220 William de Putot and Ralph of Norwich stood in mainprise to deliver to the king the monies owed by Thomas de Berkeley to the king.[28] In 1236 Sir William de Putot was a witness to a settlement between Sir Thomas de Berkeley and the Abbbot of St. Augustine’s Abbey concerning tithes and land. The final agreement relating to this was made on 4th September 1237 at St. Peter’s in Gloucester and witnessed by William de Putot.[29]

Sometime between the years 1220 and 1243 Sir William de Putot was the first witness to a grant of rents to Augustine Abbey by Thomas de Berkeley. In 1243 Sir William de Putot was also first witness to a grant of rents to Augustine Abbey by a tenant of the Berkeley family and confirmed by Maurice de Berkeley.[30]

In August 1220 William de Putot and Ralph of Norwich were to account to William Brewer for the tallage they imposed on the lands of the late Earl of Hereford and to account for their keeping of Caldecot Castle.[31]

Mayor of Bristol

In 1241 William de Putot was mayor of Bristol. In that year, Eleanor, the King’s cousin was in the custody of John Fitz Geoffrey in Bristol when she died. The Abbot’s of St. Augustine’s and Keynesham along with William de Putot, mayor of Bristol, and other dignitaries accompanied her body to the church of the Priory of St. James in Bristol.[32] In the absence of any other high ranking person called William de Putot in the Bristol area in the first half of the thirteenth century it must be supposed that it is the same William de Putot of this article.

Other property interests of William de Putot

Sir William de Putot had other property interests in Gloucestershire beside the Damneville inheritance. Previous to August 1230 Sir William de Putot had received 101 acres of land sown with winter corn in the manor of Slaughter in Gloucestershire at the same time that Ralph Musard had granted the manor to Thomas Basset. But Thomas Basset didn’t like Sir William de Putot having an interest in the manor and successfully complained to the king. Thus in August 1230 Henry III allowed Thomas Basset to have the corn.[33]

Although elsewhere Henry III described William de Putot as his “beloved and faithful” friend it was in keeping with the character of Henry III to sometime penalised his friends and reward his enemies. And having given offence to his friends the king would shortly after change his mind again. In November 1232 Henry III instructed the Exchequer to give respite to Sir William de Putot for the arrears of the farm of Slaughter manor until the king next arrived in London.[34]

Sir William de Putot appears not to be without blame in the foregoing. Elsewhere William had a habit of entering upon the property rights of others. Sometime long before 1236 William, Earl of Gloucester, granted fishing rights on the River Avon to Keynesham Abbey which was quitclaimed by Robert de Damneville. But William de Putot and Petronilla de Damneville entered the fishery and took some fish. John, abbot of Keynesham took William to task with the result that William quitclaimed the fishery to Keynesham.[35]

Outside of Gloucestershire William de Putot held some property interests. In September 1230 he was granted by the king the hundreds of Bedminster, Hartcliffe and Portbury in Somerset for as long as it pleased the king. These lands were formerly held by Maurice de Gant from Thomas de Berkeley.[36]

The family of William de Putot

Sir William de Putot and his wife Petronilla had a daughter called Petronilla who married firstly to John de Vivonia (also named as Hugh de Vivonia who was killed in Wales in 1257) and had a son called John de Vivonia (died without issue).[37] Another source says that Petronilla de Putot married about 1248 to Hugh de Vivonia, son of Hugh de Vivonia (seneschal of Gascony) and that William de Putot offered the manor of Selling as her marriage portion.[38]

Bitton in the 1930s

Petronilla de Putot married secondly to David le Blount by whom she had a son called David le Blount.[39] Early in the reign of Henry III Sir William de Putot granted to Gilbert son of John Sigges, once reeve of Bitton, a croft at Bitton which was held by John Thortemein and Gunnilda his wife. This grant was with the consent of William’s daughter Petronilla de Putot and was on the occasion of the marriage of Gilbert with Eve, servant of Petronilla. This croft was still remembered in 1407 as that granted to Gilbert son of John Sigges.[40]

When William de Putot married Petronilla de Damneville he received half the manors of Btton and Mangotsfield. But not all of his property in Mangotsield came from the Damneville inheritance. In 1239 he received one ploughland in Mangotsfield by grant of Hamon son of Richard to hold by the service of half a knight’s fee. For this ploughland William de Putot paid forty marks.[41]

In 1257-8 Petronilla de Vivonia quitclaim Bitton to David le Blount and his wife Amabel. David and Amabel le Blount were active in Bitton in the 1270s.[42] In 1293 the lands of David le Blount at Bitton and Mangotsfield were worth £15 per year.[43] In May 1304 King Edward I granted pardon to David and Amabel le Blount for acquiring Bitton without licence from Petronilla de Vivonia.[44]

The Blount family held Bitton and Mangotsfield until the end of the fifteenth century when Margaret le Blount, daughter and heir of the last Blount, Simon le Blount, married John Hussey. His son William Hussey sold the manors to Robert Dormer who in 1519-20 sold both manors to Maurice (VI) Lord Berkeley (d. 1523). By this descendent the lease granting Koneham to Sir William de Putot in return for funding a knight in the Welsh wars of 1241 came to Berkeley Castle. The lease is still persevered among the muniments at Berkeley Castle, one of the largest medieval archives in private hands.[45]

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[1] Bridget Wells-Furby (ed.), A catalogue of the medieval muniments at Berkeley Castle (2 vols. Bristol & Gloucestershire Archaeological Society, 2004), Vol. 2, pp. 843, 846
[2] Bridget Wells-Furby (ed.), A catalogue of the medieval muniments at Berkeley Castle, Vol. 2, p. 848
[3] Bridget Wells-Furby (ed.), A catalogue of the medieval muniments at Berkeley Castle, Vol. 2, p. 835
[5] Bridget Wells-Furby (ed.), A catalogue of the medieval muniments at Berkeley Castle, Vol. 2, p. 835
[6] Bridget Wells-Furby (ed.), A catalogue of the medieval muniments at Berkeley Castle, Vol. 2, p. 840
[7] Paul Dryburgh & Beth Hartland (eds.), Calendar of the fine rolls of the reign of Henry III (3 vols. Boydell Press & National Archives, 2008), Vol. 2, 1224-1234, nos. 13/407, 434
[8] C.R. Elrington (ed.), Abstracts of feet of fines relating to Gloucestershire 1199-1299 (Bristol & Gloucestershire Archaeological Society, 2003), nos. 259, 309
[9] Paul Dryburgh & Beth Hartland (eds.), Calendar of the fine rolls of the reign of Henry III (3 vols. Boydell Press & National Archives, 2009), Vol. 3, 1234-1242, no. 25/629
[11] Bridget Wells-Furby (ed.), A catalogue of the medieval muniments at Berkeley Castle, Vol. 2, pp. 840, 841
[13] Bridget Wells-Furby (ed.), A catalogue of the medieval muniments at Berkeley Castle, Vol. 2, p. 835
[14] Bridget Wells-Furby (ed.), A catalogue of the medieval muniments at Berkeley Castle, Vol. 2, p. 629
[15] Bridget Wells-Furby (ed.), A catalogue of the medieval muniments at Berkeley Castle, Vol. 2, p. 836
[16] Bridget Wells-Furby (ed.), A catalogue of the medieval muniments at Berkeley Castle, Vol. 2, p. 849
[17] Bridget Wells-Furby (ed.), A catalogue of the medieval muniments at Berkeley Castle, Vol. 2, p. 837
[18] Paul Dryburgh & Beth Hartland (eds.), Calendar of the fine rolls of the reign of Henry III (3 vols. Boydell Press & National Archives, 2007), Vol. 1, 1216-1224, nos. 4/284, 6/64
[19] Nicholas Vincent, Peter des Roches: An alien in English politics 1205-1238 (Cambridge University Press, 1996), p. 197
[20] P. Dryburgh & B. Hartland (eds.), Calendar of the fine rolls of Henry III, Vol. 1, 1216-1224, no. 8/191
[21] Rev. Walter Shirley (ed.), Royal and other historical letters illustrative of the Reign of Henry III (Longman, Green, Longman & Roberts, London, 1862), Vol. 1, p. 238
[22] W.H. Stevenson (ed.), Calendar of the Records of the Corporation of Gloucester (1893), no. 218, note 2
[23] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland (5 vols. Kraus reprint, 1974), Vol. 1, 1171-1251, nos. 1851, 1856
[24] P. Dryburgh & B. Hartland (eds.), Calendar of the fine rolls of Henry III, Vol. 2, 1224-1234, nos. 15/316, 317
[25] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1, 1171-1251, nos. 1965, 1968
[26] P. Dryburgh & B. Hartland (eds.), Calendar of the fine rolls of Henry III, Vol. 2, 1224-1234, no. 16/135
[27] P. Dryburgh & B. Hartland (eds.), Calendar of the fine rolls of Henry III, Vol. 3, 1234-1242, nos. 20/372, 373
[28] P. Dryburgh & B. Hartland (eds.), Calendar of the fine rolls of Henry III, Vol. 1, 1216-1224, nos. 4/196, 207, 232
[29] Bridget Wells-Furby (ed.), A catalogue of the medieval muniments at Berkeley Castle, Vol. 1, p. 93; David Walker (ed.), The cartulary of St. Augustine’s Abbey, Bristol (Bristol & Gloucestershire Archaeological Society, 1998), no. 159
[30] Bridget Wells-Furby (ed.), A catalogue of the medieval muniments at Berkeley Castle, Vol. 1, pp. 180, 231; David Walker (ed.), The cartulary of St. Augustine’s Abbey, Bristol, no. 160
[31] P. Dryburgh & B. Hartland (eds.), Calendar of the fine rolls of Henry III, Vol. 1, 1216-1224, no. 4/217
[32] Calendar of Patent Rolls, Henry III, 1232-1247, p. 256
[33] P. Dryburgh & B. Hartland (eds.), Calendar of the fine rolls of Henry III, Vol. 2, 1224-1234, no. 14/428
[34] P. Dryburgh & B. Hartland (eds.), Calendar of the fine rolls of Henry III, Vol. 2, 1224-1234, no. 16/10
[35] C.R. Elrington (ed.), Abstracts of feet of fines relating to Gloucestershire 1199-1299, no. 270
[36] P. Dryburgh & B. Hartland (eds.), Calendar of the fine rolls of Henry III, Vol. 2, 1224-1234, nos. 14/454, 455
[37] Rev. H.T. Ellacombe, A memoir of the Manor of Bitton, Co. Gloucester (Westminster, 1869), p. 2
[38] Calendar of Patent Rolls, Henry III, 1247-1258, p. 30
[39] Bridget Wells-Furby (ed.), A catalogue of the medieval muniments at Berkeley Castle, Vol. 2, p. 835
[40] Bridget Wells-Furby (ed.), A catalogue of the medieval muniments at Berkeley Castle, Vol. 2, p. 840
[41] C.R. Elrington (ed.), Abstracts of feet of fines relating to Gloucestershire 1199-1299, no. 321
[42] Bridget Wells-Furby (ed.), A catalogue of the medieval muniments at Berkeley Castle, Vol. 2, p. 835
[43] Sidney J. Madge (ed.), Abstracts of inquisitions post mortem for Gloucestershire in the Plantagenet period, Part IV 20 Henry III to 29 Edward 1, 1236-1300 (British Record Society, 1903), p. 163
[44] Bridget Wells-Furby (ed.), A catalogue of the medieval muniments at Berkeley Castle, Vol. 2, p. 837
[45] Bridget Wells-Furby, ‘Tenants of the Lordship of Berkeley in the Late Middle Ages’, in Archives & Local History in Bristol & Gloucestershire: Essays in Honour of David Smith, edited by Joseph Bettey (Bristol & Gloucestershire Archaeological Society, 2007), p. 42

Sunday, November 1, 2015

Dovecotes in Gloucestershire in the time of Henry III

Dovecotes in Gloucestershire in the time of Henry III

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

This article on dovecotes in Gloucestershire in the time of Henry III is based chiefly on the information contained in the various inquisitions post mortem conducted in the county during that time. The earliest Gloucestershire inquisition concerned the estate of William Avenel and was made in May 1236, a full twenty years into the reign of Henry III.[1]

Introduction

A dovecote was a structure intended to house pigeons or doves. Dovecotes may be square or circular free-standing structures or built into the end of a house or barn. They generally contain rows of openings inside the structure for the birds to nest. The rows usually start a few feet above ground level to prevent cats and other mammals from getting at the birds. Pigeons and doves were an important food source historically in Western Europe and were kept for their eggs, flesh, and dung.[2]

It is sometimes difficult to know if a dovecote was for pigeons or doves. Occasionally documents come to the rescue with an answer. In 1431 a run-down dovecote at Wantage in Berkshire was worth nothing per year because there were no doves while another dovecote at Tawstock, Devon, was also worth nothing because it had no doves.[3]

The Romans seem to have had introduced dovecotes to Britain as suggested by pigeon holes at Caerwent. After the Romans left so it seems did dovecotes. The Normans re-introduced dovecotes after 1066.[4]

Stanley dovecote

This first inquisition post mortem to mention a dovecote was made on 22nd February 1246 and concerned the estate of Robert de Pontelarch. This said Robert de Pontelarch held land and buildings in the vills of Wulurichesthrop, Waddon, Mortun, Stanley and Coctebir from various landlords. It was only in the vill of Stanley that a dovecote was mentioned and the issues of the dovecote was worth 2s (2 shillings) per annum for Robert de Pontelarch. Stanley was held of Ralph de Suchleg for a third part of a knight’s fee and after the death of Robert de Pontelarch came into the king’s hand.

The vill of Stanley contained, beside the dovecote, two carucates of demesne land (4 marks per annum), nine virgates of land held in villeinage (72s), tallage at the feast of St. Michael worth one mark and the issues of a garden worth 15s per year. Ralph de Pontelarch was the next heir of Robert de Pontelarch, his brother, after the first heir, William de Pontelarch, was lately outlawed.[5]

Kenemerford dovecote

In 1258 an inquisition at Kenemerford into the estate of the late Patricius de Chaurces showed that he held, among other property, a garden and dovecote which together earn 20s per year.[6] Kenemerford is now spelt as Kempsford.[7]

A separate inquisition taken in November 1258 concerning the manor of Kenemerford expanded the information relating to the garden and dovecote. This second inquisition said that “in the garden of the said manor there are 2 acres of land, 8 perches in length and 7 perches in breadth, worth per annum in fruit and herbage one mark; one fishpond which when stocked is worth per annum one mark; one dovecot worth per annum half a mark; [and] the curtilage is worth per annum 2s” giving a total of 35s 4d per year.[8] One mark was 13s 4d and so a half mark was 6s 8d and the addition of these two figures gives you 20s which was the figure given for the garden and dovecote in the first inquisition.

Also in the manor of Kenemerford Patricius de Chaurces had two mills on the River Culne worth £4 per year and fishing on the same river worth 2s per year. The fishing rights on the River Thames were worth 20s per year.[9]

Patricius de Chaurces was succeeded by his son and heir, Pain or Paganus de Chaurces who was fourteen years old in 1258.[10] An inquisition of Kenemerford in 1283, on the death of Sir Patricius de Chaurces, made no mention of a dovecote.[11] It could have been in ruins by that time or was under different ownership.

Wykewauer dovecote

The third dovecote mentioned in the Gloucestershire inquisitions post mortem was located at Wykewauer. The name Wykewauer could be the modern Wickwar (given by King John to John la Warre) but seems more probably to be Childs-Wickham, five miles south-east of Evesham.[12] The dovecote at Wkyewauer was worth 2s per annum and was part of the demesne lands. In 1269 Wkyewauer belonged to William de Bello Campo of Elmelye in Gloucestershire who held it of the King in chief by the service of a fifth part of a knight’s fee.[13]

Dovecote at Llantwit Major

Beverstane dovecote

In the same year of 1269 an inquisition was made into the estate of the late Robert de Gurney. The inquisition found that Robert de Gurney held three manors of the King in chief and each manor contained a dovecote. The dovecote at Beverstane manor was worth 3s per year. The arable land at Beverstane was worth 4d per acre and the meadow land was worth 18d per acre.[14] By 1286 the value of the dovecote had dropped to 2s per year at the death of Anselmus de Gurney.[15] Beverstane is modern Beverstone located two miles west of Tetbury Station.[16]

Weston dovecote

The second manor owned by Robert de Gurney in 1269 was at Weston where the dovecote was worth 5s per year. The arable land at Weston was worth 6d per acre while the meadow land was worth 2s per acre.[17] The land at Weston was therefore of better quality than the land at Beverstane and the dovecote at Weston was worth more money. Is there a connection between the value of farm land and the value of a dovecote?

There are several places in Gloucestershire with the name Weston. The place here referred to is King’s Weston in Henbury parish, about four miles north-west of Bristol.[18]

Halberton dovecote

The dovecote at Halberton, also owned by Robert de Gurney, was only worth 3s while the arable land was worth 6d per acre and the meadow land was 2s per acre.[19] This Halberton information implies that there is no connection between land values and the value of a dovecote as if there was a connection the Halberton dovecote should have been worth 5s per year as the land values were the same as at Weston. Halberton is now known as Elberton, located some three miles from Thornbury.[20]

Oure dovecote

In addition to the above three manors, Robert de Gurney held the manors of Oure and Puriton from the Earl of Warwick by the service of half a knight’s fee. Puriton was demised to the men of that vill by Maurice de Gaunt, uncle of Robert de Gurney, in fee farm for £10. The records do not record if there was a dovecote at Puriton or not.

The manor of Oure did have a dovecote and it was worth 4s per year with arable land worth 6d per acre and meadow land worth 18d per acre. Robert de Gurney also held the manor of Rewyke from the Bishop of Worcester but the extent of this manor is torn away and it is not known if a dovecote existed at Redwyke or not. Robert de Gurney was succeeded in all these lands and dovecotes by his son and heir, Ancellus de Gurney.[21] By the time Ancellus de Gurney died in 1286 the dovecote had decreased in value to 2s 5d per year.[22]


Nesting boxes in the Ballybeg Abbey dovecote, Co. Cork, Ireland

Seynesbyr dovecote

In 1271 an extent of the lands of Ralph Musard showed he had a dovecote on his manor of Seynesbyr and it was worth 3s per annum. Ralph Musard held two parts of the manor of Seynesbyr of the King in chief and all of the manors of Musardere and Sudinton. The surviving extent of these two latter manors was made in 1273 and showed no dovecote at those places. Ralph Musard was succeeded by his brother, Nicholas Musard who was aged over thirty years in 1271.[23] Seynesbyr is now known as Saintbury and is three miles south of Honeybourne.[24]

It would seem that Nicholas Musard made improvements to the estate in short time. In 1273 the estates of Ralph Musard were subjected to another inquisition and the dovecote at Seynesbyr had increased in value to 4s per year.[25] When the inquisition post mortem for John Musard was taken in 1289 no dovecote was recorded at Seynesbyr but when Malculinus Musard died in 1300 there was a dovecote there worth 40d or 3s 4d.[26]

The value of a dovecote can also decrease over time. In 1269 Weston dovecote was worth 5s but by 1274 was only worth 2s per year. The dovecote was then the property of Geoffrey de Langeleye who held it of William de Bello Campo. In 1286 the dovecote was still only worth 2s per year.[27]

Rowell dovecote

In an unknown year in the reign of King Henry III an extent was ordered into the lands of the Abbot of St. Everel in Gloucestershire. The Abbot was patron of the church of Rowell and held around the church two carucates of land, some wood, villeinage land and five cottages. He also had a garden and a dovecote with a combined value of 20s per year. It is not known what the dovecote on its own was worth.[28] Rowell is located three miles north-west of Notgrove Station.[29]

Lechlade dovecote

At an unknown year in the reign of King Henry III an extent was made of the manor of Lechlade. It found that the dovecote along with the herbage of the garden was worth 4s.[30] This connection between the dovecote and the garden could be significant. In the other dovecotes noted above they were often valued with the garden. At Rowell a total value was given for both. An examination of the above dovecotes does not support any direct link in the value of a garden to the value of a dovecote.
By 1300 there was only a small garden at Lechlade worth 8d and the value of the dovecote had declined by 75% to 12d per annum.[31] Lechlade is located near where the River Leach joins the River Thames.[32]

Lechlade is the last dovecote recorded in the inquisitions post mortem in the time of Henry III. The next recorded dovecote was made at Easter 1273 in the first year of King Edward the First. This dovecote was at Siston and was worth 5s per year.

Conclusion

The dovecotes recorded in Gloucestershire during the time of King Henry III had varied values and consequently varied in size from the big dovecot at Kenemerford to the small one at Stanley. The value of a dovecote could also change over time with the value going up as well as going down. It seems that there is no obvious link between the value of a dovecote and the land values of a manor or the value of the manorial garden.

The value of each dovecote

Kenemerford = 6s 8d
Weston = 5s
Oure = 4s
Lechlade = 4s
Beverstane = 3s
Halberton = 3s
Seynesbyr = 3s
Stanley = 2s
Rowell = unknown value
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End of post

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[1] Sidney J. Madge (ed.), Abstracts of inquisitions post mortem for Gloucestershire in the Plantagenet period, Part IV 20 Henry III to 29 Edward 1, 1236-1300 (British Record Society, 1903), pp. vii, 1
[2] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dovecote accessed on 18 October 2013
[3] Claire Noble (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, Volume XXIII, 1427-1432 (Boydell Press & National Archives, 2004), nos. 576, 577
[4] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dovecote accessed on 18 October 2013
[5] Sidney J. Madge (ed.), Abstracts of inquisitions post mortem Gloucestershire, Part IV, 1236-1300 , p. 7
[6] Sidney J. Madge (ed.), Abstracts of inquisitions post mortem Gloucestershire, Part IV, 1236-1300 , p. 20
[7] W. St. Clair Baddeley, Place-names of Gloucestershire (John Bellows, Gloucester, 1913), p. 95
[8] Sidney J. Madge (ed.), Abstracts of inquisitions post mortem Gloucestershire, Part IV, 1236-1300 , p. 21
[9] Sidney J. Madge (ed.), Abstracts of inquisitions post mortem  Gloucestershire, Part IV, 1236-1300 , p. 21
[10] Sidney J. Madge (ed.), Abstracts of inquisitions post mortem Gloucestershire, Part IV, 1236-1300 , pp. 20, 23
[11] Sidney J. Madge (ed.), Abstracts of inquisitions post mortem  Gloucestershire, Part IV, 1236-1300 , p. 124
[12] W. St. Clair Baddeley, Place-names of Gloucestershire, pp. 41, 163; J.E.E.S. Sharp (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem preserved in the Public Record Office, Vol. 1, Henry III (Kraus reprint, 1973), p. 422
[13] Sidney J. Madge (ed.), Abstracts of inquisitions post mortem Gloucestershire, Part IV, 1236-1300 , p. 40
[14] Sidney J. Madge (ed.), Abstracts of inquisitions post mortem Gloucestershire, Part IV, 1236-1300 , p. 40
[15] Sidney J. Madge (ed.), Abstracts of inquisitions post mortem  Gloucestershire, Part IV, 1236-1300 , p. 129
[16] W. St. Clair Baddeley, Place-names of Gloucestershire, p. 20
[17] Sidney J. Madge (ed.), Abstracts of inquisitions post mortem Gloucestershire, Part IV, 1236-1300 , p. 41
[18] W. St. Clair Baddeley, Place-names of Gloucestershire, pp. 82, 162; J.E.E.S. Sharp (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem preserved in the Public Record Office, Vol. 1, Henry III, p. 420
[19] Sidney J. Madge (ed.), Abstracts of inquisitions post mortem Gloucestershire, Part IV, 1236-1300 , p. 41
[20] W. St. Clair Baddeley, Place-names of Gloucestershire, p. 59
[21] Sidney J. Madge (ed.), Abstracts of inquisitions post mortem Gloucestershire, Part IV, 1236-1300 , p. 42
[22] Sidney J. Madge (ed.), Abstracts of inquisitions post mortem  Gloucestershire, Part IV, 1236-1300 , p. 132
[23] Sidney J. Madge (ed.), Abstracts of inquisitions post mortem Gloucestershire, Part IV, 1236-1300 , p. 50
[24] W. St. Clair Baddeley, Place-names of Gloucestershire, p. 132
[25] Sidney J. Madge (ed.), Abstracts of inquisitions post mortem Gloucestershire, Part IV, 1236-1300 , p. 62
[26] Sidney J. Madge (ed.), Abstracts of inquisitions post mortem  Gloucestershire, Part IV, 1236-1300 , p. 149, 219
[27] Sidney J. Madge (ed.), Abstracts of inquisitions post mortem  Gloucestershire, Part IV, 1236-1300 , pp. 87, 131
[28] Sidney J. Madge (ed.), Abstracts of inquisitions post mortem Gloucestershire, Part IV, 1236-1300 , p. 53
[29] W. St. Clair Baddeley, Place-names of Gloucestershire, p. 130
[30] Sidney J. Madge (ed.), Abstracts of inquisitions post mortem Gloucestershire, Part IV, 1236-1300 , p. 55
[31] Sidney J. Madge (ed.), Abstracts of inquisitions post mortem  Gloucestershire, Part IV, 1236-1300 , p. 239
[32] W. St. Clair Baddeley, Place-names of Gloucestershire, p. 98