Saturday, November 30, 2013

The building, fixtures and fittings of the medieval Irish Exchequer

The building, fixtures and fittings of the medieval Irish Exchequer


Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

James Lydon previously wrote that ‘Building in medieval Ireland has so far received little attention from historians, except for those interested in art and architecture’.[1] The study of construction costs and the use of labour had not developed as much due to the lack of source material. Yet Lydon showed that sources do exist. In the same article cited above he printed a record of repairs made to St. John’s parish church in Dublin. This showed how much was paid to carpenters, plasters, white-washers and one mason. The quantity and cost of materials was also made known.[2] This article will examine what construction story we can get about the medieval Irish Exchequer.


The medieval Dublin Exchequer

The exchequer was the chief financial institution in medieval Ireland.[3] It is supposed that from the day Prince John was made Lord of Ireland arrangements were put in place for an office to collect and distribute the revenue of the country. By 1200 this office was known as the exchequer. In those early days the exchequer was headed by the justiciar while the effective head was merely the clerk in charge of the exchequer. By 1217, the then clerk, John of St. John, was accorded the title of treasurer. From that time the head of the exchequer was known as the treasurer.[4]

The exchequer was divided into two departments. The upper exchequer was, in effect, a court of audit where the county sheriff or his representative came to have his account audited on an annual basis. The lower exchequer, also known as the exchequer of receipt, was where the day-to-day financial work of government was conducted. Here money was received and payments made.[5] Not all government income and expenditure was handled by the lower exchequer. The treasurer often issued instructions to local government officials to pay expenses out of local revenue.[6] 

The exchequer buildings
   
In the early days of the English administration of Ireland the location of the exchequer offices is unknown. Dublin castle would be the obvious location as it quickly became the centre of the English administration. In 1252 exchequer officials sought armed protection as they were molested by the Irish and others as they carried money from place to place.[7] By the 1270s the evidence would suggest that the exchequer was located outside Dublin castle. In the early thirteen century the exchequer offices had moved outside the walls of Dublin city and into the suburbs.

The Round Tower at Dublin Castle by William Murphy

From 1270 we start to get notices of expenditure on the upkeep and maintenance of the exchequer offices. Walter the clerk and Geoffrey de Lyvet were paid £15 in the financial term of 1270-72 for works on the houses of the exchequer.[8] The nature of these works was unspecified.
    
In 1276-7 more detailed information is given. Thomas the carpenter and John the mason carried out various works to the exchequer buildings. They were paid £4 13s 1½d and £10 16s 8d respectively. A further £2 11s 5½d was spent on purchasing lime. An additional £9 4s was spent on purchasing timber and lime along with the transporting costs of same to the building site. Peter the smith received £1 6s 8d for his involvement. We are told that this expenditure was on repairs to the exchequer houses.[9] If repairs were the proper description than a group of buildings must be standing and in use by the exchequer as their offices by 1276.
    
In the following year £39 1s ½d was paid out for unspecified repairs to the exchequer. John the mason received 7s for various works in the same year. One specified expense was to Peter the smith of 6s for making a window for the exchequer building.[10] The issue of windows will be discussed later in this article. 
    
In Michaelmas term 1278 unspecified works were carried out in the exchequer to the amount of 18s 8d.[11] In the same term 2s was paid in rent for a piece of ground near the exchequer. It is not clear if this piece of ground was used by the exchequer or just happened to be nearby. The reference would suggest that the exchequer offices were at a separate location to Dublin castle. The same accounts talk of a chapel at Dublin castle and a chapel at the exchequer which would support the idea of two separate locations.[12]
    
In the Hilary term of 1283 Thomas Burell spent £1 on works at the exchequer by order of the treasurer. During the Baptist term of 1284 Burell spent £11 16s 8d on various works at the exchequer. Later in 1284 Burell spent a further £5 on the exchequer buildings.[13] In the same year of 1284 a piece of ground near the exchequer was purchased by the government from Edward Colet for 60s.[14] We are not told if this piece of ground became part of the exchequer buildings or was used for other purposes.
    
Between Trinity 1292 and 14 February 1293 Stephen de Exeter and Master Adam de Claverle carried out repairs to the houses of the exchequer. They were paid £12 7s ¾d but it is not stated if this was all wages or wages plus materials used. Similar repairs to the exchequer houses were carried out under John de Ideshale and Master Adam de Claverle, the king’s carpenter, between 14 April 1293 and 27 February 1294. For this work they received £6 13s 11¾d.[15] The nature of the work is unspecified but if it took nearly a year to complete it would seem to be more than just a leaking roof.
    
Sometime between 1292 and 1294 a proposal was made by order of the king to build a new house in the courtyard of the exchequer. Timber and boards to the value of £4 13s 5d were purchased for the job. Yet by June 1294 the materials remained in the courtyard without any notation of when construction would begin.[16] It is not only modern governments who waste taxpayer’s money on building projects that are never built. This reference to a courtyard of the exchequer would further support the idea that the exchequer was at a separate location to Dublin castle.
    
Regular and irregular minor repairs continued at the exchequer such as making a bench of boards and repairing a door which cost 5d in 1296.[17]  
   
The exchequer outside in the suburbs

By the early years of the thirteenth century the location of the exchequer offices is given as outside the city walls, in the Dublin suburbs. The exact location is not clear but somewhere around St. Patrick’s Cathedral would seem the likely place. In peaceful times the suburbs must have been an enjoyable environment for the exchequer officials in work in; away for the dirty and cramped conditions inside the city. But this was medieval Ireland where peaceful times never lasted for long. 

In the years 1313-14 the records of the exchequer were carried from Dublin castle to the exchequer offices at the beginning and end of each term. But by the first half of 1315 this had changed. Now the records and money of the exchequer had to be carried every day between the exchequer buildings and Dublin castle because of the state of war across the country. As an additional security measure a blower horn, costing 10d, was purchased for the garrison at the exchequer in give warning to the castle that the former was under attack.[18]

Renting buildings for the exchequer

On 25th May 1315 Edward Bruce, brother of the Scottish king, Robert Bruce, landed with an army at Larne. He was soon joined by many Irish families. A combined English and Irish army led by the Earl of Ulster marched north but after defections was defeated in battle. By November Edward Bruce had secured most of Ulster and marched into Meath. In late February 1316 the Scots were within sight of Dublin. To protect the city the citizens pulled down the buildings outside the north wall and built a new north wall along the present-day south quays. On the night of 23rd February the western suburbs about Thomas Street were burnt to prevent the Scots from using the area as a base to assault the city. This burning of the suburbs was a pre-arranged defence measure. In the evnt Edward Bruce did not attack Dublin but moved south to ravage Leinster.[19]      

Drawing of Dublin in February 1317 with the suburbs on fire (top right) by Stephen Conlin

It would seem that the exchequer offices were located in the burnt western suburbs as following the burning the exchequer moved location to within the city. Here they rented a few houses from Robert de Wyleby (and later his widow Alice) at £5 per annum from Easter 1317 onwards to 1339.[20] The location of the exchequer within the city is unclear. In 1318 Osbert le Mareschal rented a plot of ground beside his own tenement, from Dublin city council, which plot was near the exchequer.[21] Yet it is still not possible to identify this location.

But even within the city the exchequer was not safe. Between 30 April 1316 and 31 March 1317 Martin de Fyssacre was assigned to supervise the watch at the exchequer with the help of 5 crossbowmen (wages of 2d per day). Their mission was to protect the exchequer against Irish rebels who threatened to burn the exchequer buildings.[22]

The practice of the government renting houses from the citizens of Dublin for offices was not always appreciated. In 1363 the citizens complained to the king that government officials occupying lodgings against their consent and by force take and carry away their goods and chattels in return for which the officials give little or no payment. This was against granted royal charters. In response Edward III commanded the chancellor and treasurer to correct any wrongdoing and prevent such violations in the future.[23]

New exchequer buildings

In 1339 the exchequer moved out of the houses it was renting from Robert de Wyleby and his widow, Alice. Instead of going into new purpose built offices, the exchequer rented a number of houses from Walter de Istelep, and later from John Taillour.  Walter de Istelep was treasurer and head of the exchequer in the 1320s before he was dismissed on corruption charges.[24] In 1323 Walter de Istelep was granted piped water to his house on High Street by the Dublin city council but it is unclear if this was the later location of the exchequer offices.[25] In the chamberlain’s account roll for 1346-8 Walter de Istelep and after June 1347 John Taillour are paid rent money for the houses of the exchequer. This rent was at £4 per annum and was continued onwards to Easter 1363.[26] The one pound reduction in the rent must have influenced the move or was it an ex-treasurer trying to use his influence to get an important government contract. We may never know for sure.

Map showing High Street where Walter de Istelep had a house. Site number 1 is Dublin Castle

The issue roll of 1339-41 records a payment of 1s 2d for the carriage of bags and coffers from the old exchequer to the new exchequer in which the king’s pleas of the exchequer and the bench were held. It is not clear if the new buildings had designated sleeping quarters for officials or visitors. In 1359 it was noted that John More stayed continually by day and night at the exchequer doing the king’s business.[27]

After 1363 the exchequer moved its offices to Carlow. The story of the exchequer at Carlow is expertly told by Philomena Connolly in an article entitled: ‘The head and comfort of Leinster: Carlow as the administration capital of Ireland, 1361-1394’, in Carlow in History and Society, edited by Thomas McGrath (Geography Publications, Dublin, 2008). In 1394 the exchequer returned to Dublin with the continued contraction of the English colony.

Multiple building works

From 1280 the expenditure of exchequer buildings is included with the expenditure on Dublin castle and with the nearby king’s mill. It is extremely difficult at this juncture to separate the total building expenditure and say how much was spent on the exchequer offices. The following amounts were spent on repairs and maintenance along with unspecified works between 1280 and 1304.

Michaelmas 1280 = £4 3s 4d at the exchequer and Dublin castle[28]
Easter term 1281 = £45 11s 19¼d at the exchequer and Dublin castle[29]
St. John the Baptist term 1281 = £49 12s 12d at the exchequer and Dublin castle[30]
St. John the Baptist term 1282 = £1 7s 11½d at the exchequer and Dublin castle[31]
St. John the Baptist term 1283 = £3 8s 9d at the exchequer and Dublin castle[32]
Hilary term of 1284 = £38 6s 11½d at the exchequer and Dublin castle[33]
Trinity term 1297 = £20 at the exchequer and Dublin castle[34]
Easter term 1298 = £20 at the exchequer and Dublin castle[35]
Trinity term 1299 = £10 at the exchequer and Dublin castle[36]
Trinity term 1304 = £30 at the exchequer and Dublin castle[37]

From 1306 John Sampson was supervisor of the works at the exchequer and Dublin castle with the additional responsibly for the king’s mill. These three places were in partial ruins by Trinity term 1306 and £27 2s 3d was spent in repairs. In 1309 John Sampson spent £55 12s 16d between the three locations on repairs to the houses of same that were ruined. The enrolled accounts record that Sampson expended £75 13s 4d at the three locations.[38]

From 1310 Thomas Bolace was supervisor of the works at the exchequer along the king’s mills and Dublin castle. In 1311-12 Thomas Bolace spent £5 6s 8d on repairs to the houses at the exchequer, castle and the king’s mills. Some of these houses were in a ruinous condition. Between July and October 1312 the enrolled accounts record that Bolace spent £40 6s 8d at the exchequer, Dublin castle and the king’s mills.[39]

By Michaelmas term 1317 John Sampson was again keeper of the works at Dublin castle and at the exchequer. Between then and Trinity term 1318 Sampson spent £16 7s 6d on repairing the houses of the castle and exchequer along with other works. In 1318 Sampson spent £4 4s 8d on repairs to houses at the exchequer and the castle along with new works at the latter location.[40]

From Michaelmas 1318 to Trinity 1319 John Sampson spent £19 10s 4d on various unspecified works at the exchequer, Dublin castle and the king’s mills beside the castle. Later in 1319 Sampson spent £17 10s 3d between the exchequer and the castle. Between Michaelmas 1319 and Easter 1320 an additional £27 8s 8d was spent on works at the exchequer and the castle.[41]

After 1320 there is a gap in the records until 1341-43 when William de Barton, clerk, is mentioned as keeper of the works at the exchequer and Dublin castle. Between the two places de Barton expended £40 on various repair jobs.[42]

In the years 1343-4 John de Wylton, keeper of the stores at Dublin castle, expended £15 on repairs to the houses at the exchequer and the castle.[43] Between October 1344 and November 1345, John de Carleton expended £27 11s 1d on various projects as keeper of the works at the exchequer and Dublin castle.[44]

During 1362-4 John Scrope acted as keeper of the works at the exchequer and at Dublin castle where he was also keeper of the stores there. In that time he expended £267 9s 11¼d on various repairs at the exchequer and at the castle.[45]

Windows

In the 1277/78 year Peter the smith was paid 6s for making a window for the exchequer building. A general bill of £2 7s 3¾d for works at the exchequer included the purchase of timber and making of glass windows. Later in Easter term 1282 Brother Robert de Chester, glazier, was paid £3 for glazing the windows of the exchequer.[46] Brother Robert must have had a lot of work to do. At Exeter cathedral in 1280 the glazier got 4s 6d for doing one window.[47] The normal wage of glazier John Anstey, in the 1340s, was about 2s per week.[48]

The glass windows were very expensive in medieval times. Only the richest cathedrals, abbeys and temporal lords could afford glass windows. During the 1270s and 1280s the Dublin government was showing off its power by installing such windows. It is not known where this glass came from. In 1318 Exeter cathedral purchased glass from Rouen in France.[49]

Yet within a few years the cost of the Scottish war was diverting the revenue of the Dublin government. From 1300 canvas is used instead of glass. During Hilary term 1300 the window in the hall before the bench of the justices was repaired and canvas was brought for the same window. During Hilary term 1304 the window beside the bench where the justices sat was repaired at a cost of 10d.[50]

After the Bruce invasion and the famine of 1316-1318 the government’s available revenue for its building repairs had declined. Thus in the winter of 1319-20 a sum of 4d was spent on mending canvas for the windows of the exchequer and in repairs to the same windows. In 1322 another 6d of canvas was purchased to cover the windows.[51]

During the period of Michaelmas 1323 and Hilary 1324 four windows in each exchequer were covered with 5 ells of canvas. The purchase of nails and leather, along with the payment to a workman who carried out the job, cost 2s 1d. It is presumed that the cost of the canvas is also included with this amount but the accounts are not clear on this fact.[52] More detailed accounts are given in 1327 for window repairs but the number of windows was not unspecified. Six ells of canvas was purchased (2s), along with nails (4d) and leather (1d). A workman received 5d for covering the windows with the canvas.[53]

The government’s revenues were not always in decline as shown in the fifteenth century. Between 1424 and 1426 lead, tin, and iron bars were purchased for the glazed window of the receipt exchequer. The cost of this work is unknown as it was included in the general running costs of the exchequer (totalled at £30 10s 5d).[54]

Floor coverings

The use of straw and rushes to cover the floors of the exchequer was a regular expense. Civil servants with cold feet are not happy bunnies. At Easter term 1296 the cleaning of the houses of the council, the receipt and the barons with the purchase of straw cost 5d. In the following Trinity term the same cleaning job was done with the purchase of rushes instead of straw at a cost of 8d. In 1298 cost of purchasing rushes for the exchequer houses was 3d and increased to 4d in Trinity term 1299. By these figures the use of rushes sounds more expensive than straw. Yet a long seat of straw brought for the house of the council in 1299 cost 6d.[55]

The cold, bare flag stone floor at Barryscourt Tower House, Carrigtwohill. Exchequer officials kept their feet warm with straw and rushes.

By 1299 it would seem that the price of straw had increased since 1296. At Easter term 1299 5½d was spent on straw for the houses of the barons and the receipt without any mention of the cleaning bill and more straw was purchased in Michaelmas term.[56]

By Hilary term 1302 the cost of straw for the houses of the barons and the receipt had risen to 8d. In 1304 it cost 7d to buy straw for two of the exchequer houses.[57] In 1305 the same cost of 7d for straw for the two houses was spent but divided into two payments of 4d and 3d. But this was added to in Michaelmas 1305 with a further expense of 9d for straw.[58]

In Trinity term 1306 the sum of 8d was spent on rushes for the two exchequer houses but in the Michaelmas term they reverted to straw at a cost of 6d. In Hilary term 1307 the cost of straw for the two houses had increased considerably to 1s or 12d.[59] In Easter term 1307 officials purchased rushes instead of straw. It is difficult to know if there was much in the way of savings in this change as the bill (total 1s 3d) included mats for the exchequer benches.[60] In 1308 straw and rushes were purchased for the two exchequers to the value of 1s 7d. In 1309 straw and rushes were again purchased for the floors of the two exchequers. The cost for that year was 2s 1d.[61]

Between Michaelmas 1311 and Trinity term 1312 straw, rushes and mats were purchased for both exchequers at a cost of 3s.[62] In 1318 four pence was spent on rushes for the two departments of the exchequer.[63]

In the autumn of 1325 the sum of 4d was spent on straw. In 1326 straw, rushes and mats were purchased costing 1s 9d for both the upper and lower exchequer. In the two terms of Michaelmas 1331 and Trinity 1332 straw worth 11½d was purchased for the two departments. In 1356-8 rushes and straw, worth 2s 2d for both exchequers.[64]

Furniture

Accounts of furniture at the exchequer are few. In 1318 mats costing 8d were purchased for covering the benches in both exchequers. In 1323 six pence was expended on mending and repairing three bench seats in the exchequer of receipt.[65]

Locks and keys

Having good locks and keys was an important expense at the exchequer. In the financial year 1274-5 the sum of 6s 8d was spent on keys for the works of the exchequer.[66] The Michaelmas term of 1278 saw 2s spent on making locks and keys for a chest in the treasury of Holy Trinity.[67] In Michaelmas term 1281 2s was spent on the repairs of weights along with the books of the exchequer and locks of the door and chest in which the treasurer was place.[68]

In 1292 eight new locks were purchased at 8d for the lot. More substantial locks were purchased in 1298 when four locks were purchased for various doors at the exchequer at a cost of 7½d. During Trinity term 1299 10d was spent on locks for various doors in the exchequer and in buying cords for the louvers. In the following Michaelmas term 4d was spent on the same cords. At Michaelmas 1303 two new locks were purchased for 1s 8d. One of these was for the great door of the exchequer while the other was for the chest where the king’s money was kept.[69]
    
During Trinity term 1307 four new locks were purchased for the doors of the exchequer of receipt while another lock was got for the remembrancer’s coffer. At the same time other locks were repair for a total bill of 3s 10d.[70] In 1308 a new lock was purchased for the exchequer door. At the same time two keys for the door of the chamber to the exchequer of the receipt were made. The full cost of these works was 9d. These new security measures were taken because of the threat of war in Leinster. During Trinity term the exchequer records were carried between the castle and the exchequer buildings every day.[71] In normal times this conveyance would be only at the start and end of each term.

In 1309 an additional two new locks were purchased (1s 1d) for the doors of the exchequer.[72] In 1311 a lock in the receipt exchequer cost 4d to repair.[73] In 1312 and 1313 new locks and keys were brought for various chests and strongboxes in the exchequer of receipt. At the same time old locks were repaired. The total cost of these works came to 3s 8d.[74] In 1318 2s 6d was spent on five locks for closing two chests in the exchequer of the receipt along with five keys.[75]

In 1327 1s 2d was spent on repairing and mending various locks at the exchequer and Dublin castle. A further 6d was spent for making 2 keys and repairing 4 locks.[76] In the two terms of Michaelmas 1331 and Trinity 1332 three keys and locks were purchased for the coffers of the treasury at the exchequer and the repair of other locks and keys. The total cost was 1s 6d. In the same period straw worth 11½d was purchased for two departments of the exchequer.[77]

In the accounts for 1348-9 a sum of 3s 4d was expended on the purchase of locks and keys and the repair of old locks. The same account mentions 4s 2d spent on repair of various works at the exchequer. Other such expenditure was made in later times such as 1353-4 when 1s 6½d was spent on repairs to locks and keys at the exchequer and at Dublin castle.[78]

Secure chests

Many of the locks and keys were to secure storage chests. In 1322 ten pence was spent making a cask with wickets and the purchase of a lock for same. This was to hold the rolls of the liberty of Trim which had come into the king’s hand. In 1431 a large chest in which the exchequer seal was kept was repaired at a cost of 1s.[79]

Weights and books

In Michaelmas term 1281 2s was spent on the repairs of weights along with the books of the exchequer and locks of the door and chest in which the treasurer was place.[80]

In 1324 a striped cloth (£3) was purchased for covering both exchequers. It is this kind of striped cloth that is depicted on an illustration of the exchequer which adores the cover of Irish Exchequer Payments by Philomena Connolly. The cutting and sewing of this cloth cost 2s 2d.[81] New cloth was purchased around 1327-31 for the great exchequer and for the exchequer of receipt. This cost of this cloth is unclear as it was included in the total figure for exchequer minor expenses covering those years. This total was £53 10s 9d.[82] In the years 1341-43 a new and uncut striped cloth was purchased for both exchequers and together with its cutting cost £3 1s in total.[83] Another striped cloth was purchased in 1355-6 for £3 14s 7d to cover both exchequers. Another new striped cloth was purchased for both exchequers in 1362-4. The cost of this cloth is unknown as it was included in the total figure which included many other items.[84]

In the time from February 1365 to September 1366 two striped cloths were purchased for £7 11s 7d. These were for use in both exchequers. In 1439-42 eight yards of striped cloth was purchased for the exchequer but unfortunately the cost was included in the figure for general expenses.[85] The striped cloth was used to calculate the various accounts and make sure the sums add up. 

Drawing of the exchequer in the 15th century with the striped cloth in chequered pattern which gave the institution its name.

The chapel of the exchequer

The earliest reference to a chapel at the exchequer offices is from about 1270 when the chaplain of same was paid 100s for one and a half years pay. In 1274 a half mark was paid for a chest to hold the chaplain’s vestments.[86] In 1323 a sum of 7d was spent on covering a missal and a gradual in the chapels of the exchequer and at Dublin castle with white leather. A few years later in 1331 a towel worth 3d was purchased for the chapel altar.[87]

The purchase of wax for candles in the exchequer chapel and in the separate chapel at Dublin Castle was a regular expense. In 1277/78 a sum of 6 shillings was spent on wax for both chapels. In the same year 3 shillings 9 pence was spent buying wax for the burial of Michael, the chaplain of the exchequer, who died while on the king’s service. In 1430 bread, wine and wax was purchasing (costing 3s) for a friar to celebrate divine service in the exchequer chapel.[88]

The chapel would be used at the start of every day to give blessing on the officials and their work. Before exchequer officials went on journeys around Ireland or travelled overseas to England they possibly went to the chapel for quite prayers and blessing or a safe journey. During the years 1356-8 a painting of an image of the Blessed Virgin Mary was purchased for the chapel to help with these prayers. The sum of £1 4s was spent on the painting.[89]

Conclusion

With the image of the Blessed Virgin still in our minds we come to the end of this journey through the exchequer building records. There are many gaps in our knowledge of the fabric of the medieval exchequer; for example, did they have a kitchen within the exchequer buildings or did officials go out to the local tavern for lunch. Yet it this pioneering research a start has to be made somewhere. As James Lydon wrote, at the start of his article, there are plenty of sources on construction in medieval Ireland; just collecting these sources takes time. Much done – much more to do.

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[1] James Lydon, ‘Documents and Sources: A Fifteenth-Century Building Account From Dublin’, in Irish Economic and Social History, vol. IX (1982), p. 73
[2] James Lydon, ‘Documents and Sources: A Fifteenth-Century Building Account From Dublin’, in Irish Economic and Social History, vol. IX (1982), pp. 74-5
[3] Philomena Connolly, Medieval Record Sources (Four Courts Press, Dublin, 2002), p. 18
[4] H.G. Richardson & G.O. Sayles, ‘The administration of Ireland: introduction’, in Analecta Hibernica, No. 29 (1980), pp. 21-2
[5] Paul Dryburgh & Brendan Smith (eds.), Handbook and Select Calendar of Sources for Medieval Ireland in the National Archives of the United Kingdom (Four Courts Press, Dublin, 2005), pp. 64-5
[6] Philomena Connolly, Medieval Record Sources, p. 19
[7] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 2 (1252-1284), no. 56
[8] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments (Irish Manuscripts Commission, Dublin, 1998), p. 3
[9] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, p. 19
[10] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 1 (1171-1251), p. 261
[11] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, p. 26
[12] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 2 (1252-1284), p. 290
[13] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, pp. 84, 97-9, 107
[14] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 2 (1252-1284), p. 541
[15] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, pp. 120, 607
[16] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, p. 121
[17] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, p. 128
[18] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, pp. 223, 229
[19] A.J. Otway-Ruthven, A history of Medieval Ireland (Ernest Benn, London, 1980), pp. 226-7, 230-1
[20] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, pp. 255, 259, 262, 268, 275, 278, 284, 286, 292, 300, 304, 312, 316, 323, 331-2, 338, 344, 348, 367, 372, 382, 388-9, 401, 612, 619
[21]  John T. Gilbert (ed.), Calendar of Ancient Records of Dublin (19 vols. Joseph Pollard, Dublin, 1889), vol. 1, p. 118
[22] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, p. 240
[23] John T. Gilbert (ed.), Calendar of Ancient Records of Dublin, vol. 1, p. 21
[24] H.G. Richardson & G.O. Sayles, ‘The administration of Ireland: introduction’, in Analecta Hibernica, No. 29 (1980), pp. 3, 47
[25] John T. Gilbert (ed.), Calendar of Ancient Records of Dublin, vol. 1, p. 115
[26] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, pp. 424, 430, 439, 477, 489, 490, 503, 508, 510, 514
[27] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, pp. 400, 500
[28] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, p. 50
[29] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, pp. 60-1
[30] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, pp. 63-4
[31] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, p. 77
[32] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, p. 89
[33] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, p. 89
[34] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, p. 138
[35] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, p. 144
[36] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, p. 153
[37] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, p. 177
[38] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, pp. 187, 207, 597
[39] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, p. 211, 216, 597
[40] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, pp. 247, 249, 253
[41] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, pp. 256, 261, 264
[42] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, p. 403
[43] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, p. 413
[44] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, p. 416
[45] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, p. 512
[46] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, pp. 23, 73
[47] Audrey M Erskine (ed.), The accounts of the fabric of Exeter Cathedral, 1279-1353, part 1: 1278-1326 (Devon & Cornwall Record Society, New Series, Vol. 24, 1981), p. 3
[48]Audrey M Erskine (ed.), The accounts of the fabric of Exeter Cathedral, 1279-1353, part 2: 1328-1353 (Devon & Cornwall Record Society, New Series, Vol. 26, 1983), p. 309
[49] Audrey M Erskine (ed.), The accounts of the fabric of Exeter Cathedral, 1279-1353, part 2: 1328-1353, p. xvii
[50] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, pp. 157, 174
[51] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, pp. 266, 283
[52] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, p. 296
[53] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, pp. 322-3, 331
[54] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, p. 554
[55] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, pp. 131, 146, 150, 153
[56] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, pp. 151, 156
[57] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, pp. 164, 177
[58] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, pp. 179, 181, 183
[59] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, pp. 188, 190, 192
[60] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, p. 193
[61] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, pp. 203, 209
[62] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, p. 217
[63] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, p. 254
[64] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, pp. 312, 318, 344, 489
[65] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, pp. 254, 293
[66] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, p. 7
[67] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, p. 27
[68] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, p. 69
[69] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, pp. 146, 153, 156, 172, 605
[70] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, p. 195
[71] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, p. 204
[72] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, p. 209
[73] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, p. 217
[74] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, pp. 220, 229
[75] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, p. 254
[76] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, pp. 322-3, 331
[77] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, p. 344
[78] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, pp. 430, 457
[79] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, pp. 283, 572
[80] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, p. 69
[81] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, pp. 303-4
[82] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, p. 332
[83] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, pp. 410-1
[84] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, pp. 477, 510
[85] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, pp. 526, 580
[86] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 2 (1252-1284), pp. 151, 182
[87] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, pp. 293, 348
[88] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, pp. 21, 23, 572
[89] Philomena Connolly, Irish Exchequer Payments, p. 489

Wednesday, November 27, 2013

Gloucestershire people hedging their bets in the political instability of 1470

Gloucestershire people hedging their bets in the political instability of 1470


Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

In the winter of 2013-14 the University of Leicester on-line education vehicle, Future Learn, organised a course entitled “England in the time of Richard III”. The course is over six weeks with the first week on that of 25th November 2013. The content of the first week was about the origins and course of the War of the Roses with a discussion on Bosworth Field. Section 1.7 asked participants [of which I am one] to write a 1,200 word piece on “How did the conflicts impact on both the upper and lower classes?”

One of the points in my reply was that during the wars in Ireland during the 16th and 17th century you often find families backing both sides in the war. Thus the head of the Roche family stayed neutral while his son supported the Irish side. When the victorious English came to declare lands belonging to the rebels as forfeit to the crown, Lord Roche was able to show his non-involvement in the war and by such means preserved his family estates. In the 1641-1653 war the head of the Butler family, James, Earl of Ormond led the English forces in Ireland while members of the junior branches of the Butler family were prominent on the Irish side. After the Restoration in 1660 James Butler, by then Duke of Ormond, was able to use his support during the war to restore members of the Butler family on the losing side.

It is possible with research to find families in England, during the War of the Roses, who had members on both sides; not so much as they believed in their respective cause but to be in a position to help the side of the family who ended up on the losing side. Ordinary people caught up in the War also sought out means of surviving. An interesting few documents from Gloucestershire show how ordinary people found ways to end up on the winning side without showing clear support for any side.

The source book of the Gloucestershire documents

On 2nd January 1469-70 Robert Bole released to Thomas Bokeland, Henry Bold, clerk, John Hertlaund and Nichols Hylle all his right in lands and tenements in the districts of Beggeworth, Uphatherley, Hatherleywood, Great Shurdyngton, Great Bentham and Little Wydecombe. These places are found at various locations around Gloucestershire. Robert Bole was the son and heir of Joan Bole, one of the daughters and heirs of John Brock. Joan Bole, in her widowhood, agreed to the release by another document in December 1470. The January release grant was dated according to the 9th year of Edward IV. Having concluded their agreement the parties went their separate ways happy with the deal.

Both the reign of Edward IV was far from settled. Lancastrian forces remained active in the north of England and in Wales. One of Edward’s chief supporters, Richard Neville, Earl of Warwick, became disappointed at his loss of influence at court against the rise of the king’s wife, Elizabeth Woodville and her supporters. In July 1469 Warwick had gone over to the Lancastrian cause and took the king’s younger brother, George, Duke of Clarence with him. The Lancastrians won the Battle of Edgecote Moor and King Edward was imprisoned for a few months. But by September 1469 Edward was restored. But the country was still unsettled.

The year of 1470 started with more military manoeuvres on both sides as Warwick tried to capture King Edward and Edward tried to capture Warwick. The king was more successful and forced Warwick to flee the country. After getting support from King Louis XI of France, Warwick staged an uprising in the north of England. When Edward went north to crush the uprising Warwick landed a force on the south coast. King Edward turned about to face Warwick but was trapped between the two Lancastrian forces. On 2nd October Edward fled to Holland. The previously deposed king, Henry VI, was now restored to the throne on 19th October.

The people of Gloucester watched these events as did the rest of the country and tried to understand its impacts on their lives. The was talk of the new government obliterating all trace of the reign of Edward IV including declaring all documents dated according to his reign as null and void. If such rumours should come true the parties to the release agreement of Robert Bole feared that their document would have no legal standing because it was dated according to the reign of the now ex-king, Edward IV.

The parties met at an undisclosed location to discuss the situation. After some talk they decided to write out the agreement in the same words as that made on 2nd January 1469-70 but to date it as 2nd January in the 40th year of Henry VI. By such as means they hoped that if their agreement should be produced in court in some legal action, it would be accepted as a “politically correct” document. Delighted with their well laid plan somebody was going to destroy the Edward IV document until stopped by one of the party. “What will happen if Henry goes insane again and Edward comes back? Our newly worded deal will be on the wrong side and have no legal standing”.

After discussion it was proposed by somebody that both documents would be preserved. They would hide the document dated according to the reign of Edward IV and produced that dated to Henry VI for any court action that may happen. If by chance Edward is again king at some future dated, the parties could hide the Henry document and produce the “politically correct” one. All the parties were delighted with their little scheme of how to survive the War of the Roses and the political instability of 1470 in particular.[1]  

Somebody called for a toast and “God save the King”. “Which one?” said another. “The one who keeps his head while all the others are losing theirs,” was the reply and all laughed and drank to good health.

It was a wise decision to keep both documents because within a few months Edward IV had returned to England and retook the throne. Henry VI was sent to the Tower of London where he died violently, it is said, in May 1471.

Over the centuries both documents, one dated to the reign of Edward and the other to the reign of Henry, survived together and became part of the archive of Gloucester Corporation. The preservation of both documents allows us to see how ordinary people found ways and means to survive the impact of the War of the Roses and still be there when the dust settled. People in other parts of the country possibly did similar things but the evidence is yet to be found.  

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The conversation between the parties is a suggestive reconstruction. Their actual discussions in October/November of 1470 are not recorded.

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[1] W.H. Stevenson (ed.), Calendar of the Records of the Corporation of Gloucester (Gloucester, 1893), nos. 1159, 1161

Thursday, November 21, 2013

In search of a woman in the time of King John and Henry III

In search of a woman in the time of King John and Henry III

Niall C.E.J. O'Brien

Last Thursday, 14th November 2013, an idea came into my head of writing a history blog article about people remembering the dead in the nunnery of Lacock Abbey in Wiltshire. Those who gave land to the abbey in return for prayers for the dead, like the founder, Ela, Countess of Salisbury, who gave the abbey site to remember her deceased husband and other members of her family. Also those who gave money like Thomas Chancellor of Bath who gave the abbey £5 to say prayers forever to aid his soul in the next life.

Chapter house of Lacock Abbey, Wiltshire

The article advanced well to three A4 pages until my eye caught the sight of an early 13th century woman, Constance de Lega. About 1230 she gave land to Lacock Abbey in return for perpetual prayers for her deceased father and mother - no prayers for her unnamed dead husband. This was a very early grant to Lacock abbey and was made even before the abbey officially opened in 1232.

A medieval woman - wife, widow, nun

Who was this widow, Constance de Lega, who gave all her manor of Woodmancote in Gloucestershire to the as yet unbuilt nunnery in Wiltshire? Last Monday, 18th November, out came all the source books I have for the early 13th century to find the mystery woman. The task of finding information on anyone in the early 13th century and before is not an easy one. The vast bulk of medieval documents start to come in after about 1220 and increase greatly after 1250. The class of documents known as the Inquisitions Post Mortem, which are a great help for genealogists and local historians only start in 1236. Thus in the search for Constance de Lega we are working at the very edge of the known world.

The early task was to find Woodmancote and more particularly, which one. There are three places in Gloucestershire called Woodmancote. The first is near Bishop's Cleeve, the second near North Cerney and the third in the south-west near Dursley. The Domesday Book for Gloucester helped identify each place as did the book on the Place-names of Gloucestershire by W. St. Baddeley. But the family ownership evidence in these books was insufficient to link it with the ownership by Constance de Lega in 1230.

With the identity of the correct Woodmancote own by by Constance put to one side, the next task was to find all and any reference to Constance in other documents other than those of Lacock Abbey. This search led from Wiltshire up through Gloucestershire and on into Worcestershire. In the latter county Constance had connections with Brocton and Pershore. She granted land in Brocton and granted separate land to Pershore abbey. Her father's name was William de Lega and a person of that name was seneschal to the abbot of Pershore in about 1200.

Pershore Abbey, Worcestershire

Could this seneschal called William de Lega be the father of Constance? William's mother was Lady Constantia which name is different from Constance but not too different. Yet if the father was going to called his daughter and heir by the name of his mother then the would be the same names and not just similar. There is a place in Worcester called Leigh from which the surname of Lega is a derivative. But the earliest Inquisition Post Mortem relating to Leigh is from 1279 and thus too late to help make any connection with Constance de Lega forty years earlier. Yet all documents have some merit and the 1279 inquisition tells us that Leigh was owned by Pershore Abbey and rented by Henry de Pembridge.

Monday and Tuesday were taken up getting thus far. On Wednesday the internet was pulled out and more documents referring to Constance de Lega appeared. Many of these documents had strong Worcestershire connections with various sheriffs of Worcestershire acting as witness to different documents. These documents made reference to the mother of Constance, namely Mabel de la Mare and the witness list provided other names of people called de la Mare. These other de la Mare people may provide links to further information on Constance de Lega but have yet to be explored.

On internet document, dated c.1242, in Birmingham City Archive related to the exchange of land from a place in Worcestershire to Woodmancote in Gloucester by Constance de Lega. This document was witnessed by Richard son of Andrew de Lega. In all the documents found so far that relate to Constance de Lega no mention is ever made of any children of Constance. It would appear that she had no children by her as yet unnamed deceased husband. This Richard son of Andrew de Lega was very probably a relation of Constance but what that relationship was is still unknown.

On tonight, Thursday, 21st November, I returned to Gloucestershire to find the correct Woodmancote and had identified it as that place near North Cerney. This identification provided another avenue of research with William de la Mare of Rendcombe in Gloucestershire having an interest in Woodmancote via his cousin, Constance de Lega. The village of Rendcombe in 5 miles north of Cirencester and about a mile north-east of Woodmancote. The de la Mare presence in Gloucestershire may suggested that Constance's mother, Mabel de la Mare, came from Rendcombe or may be from Woodmancote itself and that Mabel brought Woodmancote to her husband, William de Lega, as her marriage portion, her dowry. This is still to be confirmed but it certainly looks that way at this present time.

Also tonight while trawling through the documents of Lacock Abbey, one by one, I found the elusive unnamed husband of Constance de Lega. His name was Geoffrey de Abetot and his names appears only on one document out of the 476 documents printed as the Lacock Abbey charters by the Wiltshire Record Society. Yet one good lead is far better than ten poor ones. With a name we can now search the records for Constance's husband and may be find more documents about the lady under her married name.

Gloucester 

The search for Geoffrey de Abetot has taken us out of Wiltshire and back into Gloucestershire. Here Geoffrey's name appears as a witness to a number of documents in the archive of Gloucester Corporation. One document of about 1220 was a grant by Geoffrey de Abetot of land at Redmarley D'Abitot, a village and parish within the Forest of Dean, Gloucestershire, to Richard de la Mare, son of Ralph de la Mare on the marriage of Geoffrey's sister, Lucy, to Richard de la Mare. Elsewhere in the Corporation documents Geoffrey de Abetot witnessed the release of land in Worcestershire by Jordan de Lega to Sir Robert Foliot. In 1242 Constance de Lega gave land to Roger de Foliot in exchange for land in Woodmancote.

The land around North Cerney, Rendcombe and Woodmancote belonged to Gislebert son of Turold in 1086 but he joined the Norman revolt against William Rufus and lost his lands. The district was then granted to Robert Fitz Hamon and became part of the Honour of Gloucester, later held by the Earls of Gloucester. The Earls of Gloucester held land in Ireland and so I took my search for Constance de Lega to Ireland. There in the time of King John was a person called Walter de Abetot. In June 1215 Walter de Abetot was made sergeant of Munster by King John. Thus Walter de Abetot was a nephew of Philip de Worcester, an important grantee of land in Ireland in the days of Kings Richard and John.

Thus our search for Constance de Lega has taken us from Wiltshire to Gloucester and onto Worcestershire. Then back to Wiltshire again for another journey north through the three counties and back to Gloucester again. At 2200 hours on this Thursday the search went to Ireland and has now taken us back to Worcester. Thus after a week I still have only three pages done of the Lacock abbey article and more still to do before posting to this medieval news site. I have one page written on the biography of Constance de Lega but the research outlined above has still to be examined and rearranged to make the biography sound and fit for posting. Yet what more happier few hours can a person spend than wandering around the medieval world in the company of a few old books and a nice warm log fire on a cold November night as this.

Hopefully in the next few days I will finish the Lacock article and make progress on the biography of Constance de Lega. I have a number of business meetings from Tuesday onwards next week and so will have little time for medieval fun. Live in hope even without Bob Hope.

Bob Hope - his father came from Weston-super-Mare, Somerset and another local connection

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