Keynesham Abbey
in Ireland
Niall C.E.J. O’Brien
In medieval Ireland many
English religious houses held property and parishes. Keynesham Abbey in the
northeast of Somersetshire was one of these houses. At a basic level the
history of this house in Ireland appears straight forward and without
complication. But medieval history is never straight forward. It always manages
to throw up questions of vision.
Abbey foundation
The very foundation date of
Keynesham Abbey is not precisely known. It is said that Keynsham abbey in the
County of Somerset was established in around 1170 where Bartholomew de Sancto
Mauro (Seymour) witnessed the founding charter.[1]
Other sources say the abbey was founded around 1180 by William FitzRobert, Earl
of Gloucester.[2] Yet more
established tradition says that the abbey was founded soon after 1166 when Earl
William established it at the dying request of his son Robert.[3]
Robert was the only son of
Earl William. He was born at Cardiff. In 1155 he witnessed a charter of his
father and mother. In 1158 all three were captured at Cardiff Castle, Earl
William’s chief residence, by Ivor the Little. They were held as prisoners
until the Earl redressed Ivor’s grievances. As Robert was dying he asked his
father to found a religious house for his soul. This house was Keynsham but
Earl William also made grant to St. Nicholas priory, Exeter for the chevage of
Robert’s soul.[4]
Cokayne quoted Dugdale’s Monasticism, volume 4, page 452 which
says that Keynsham was founded in 1169. Like a number of local abbeys, Keynsham
followed the Augustinian Rule as observed by the Abbey of St. Victor in Paris.
These abbeys included Worspring (also called Woodspring) near Weston-super-Mare
and Stavordale near Wincanton, both in Somerset. St. Augustine’s Abbey in Bristol
also followed the rule of St. Victor. Further north two abbeys in Herefordshire
also followed the St. Victor rule: Wormeley and Wigmore, the latter of which
was founded directly by monks from St. Victor Abbey.[5]
Earl William of Gloucester was
a great benefactor of many religious houses such as Bermondsey, Bradenstoke,
St. Augustine’s and St. James’s, Bristol, Neath and Tewkesbury to name but a
few. Therefore when he died in November 1183 the Earl had a great choice of
locations to find his last resting place. Earl William left three daughters as
his heirs who continued his line with various rates of success but a male heir
was something that William would have wished. His only son was buried at
Keynsham and so it was to there that that the Earl was conveyed to be near his
son.[6]
The earliest abbot of Keynsham
was a man called William who was mentioned in 1175.[7] Around
the year 1190 William was the second witness, after the abbot of St.
Augustine’s Bristol to a transfer of land at Portbury from Herbert de Morevilla
to Robert de Berkeley.[8]
Abbot William was second witness to a Berkeley land deed after John, abbot of
St. Augustine’s Bristol around 1200.[9]
William was still abbot in 1204/5 as noted in a series of land disputes.[10]
Rathkeale, County Limerick
In 1199 King John granted a
district of mid-west Limerick to Hamo de Valognes. The district of two cantreds
represented in the thirteenth century the cantreds of Askeaton-Rathkeale and
Bruree and was usually called the cantred of Oconyll. Over this large area the
manor of Askeaton held authority. The area today corresponds to the baronies of
Upper and Lower Connello.[11]
In 1200 de Valognes was given ‘licence to lead his men to settle his land,
saving the demesnes of the king and saving the assize of the barons of Ireland
touching their villeins’.[12]
Hamo de Valognes had served
for a time as justiciar of Ireland and died by 1207. His son and heir, Hamo de
Valognes, was a minor and thus the crown assumed control of his lands. In
November 1207 King John granted the de Valognes estate to Hugh de Neville for a
fine of £200. Sometime after this King John granted the cantred of Oconyll to
his friend Sir Roger Waspail. When Hamo de Valognes paid £100 for his father’s
lands in February 1215 it was possibly for a reduced inheritance.[13]
Sometime between 1213 and 1226
Sir Roger Waspail granted the church of Rathkeale to Keynesham Abbey. The grant
was for the salvation of his soul along with that of his wife Margery, his
ancestors and successors.[14]
Waspail held extensive estates in Dorset, Wiltshire and in the Honor of
Gloucester. It is possible that Waspail decided on Keynesham as his beneficiary
because it was founded by the Earl of Gloucester and Waspail wanted to please
his feudal lord. If he gave Rathkeale to a large abbey like Glastonbury it
would just fall into a large income fund and be lost. Keynesham was an averaged
sized abbey and his donation would be much appreciated.
After the death of Richard de
Clare ‘Strongbow’, Prince John granted Waspail the fee of Tippercathan in
present day County Laois. In 1189 this fee was taken over by William Marshal as
his inheritance by order of King Richard. Around 1185 Roger Waspail held land
in County Dublin which was formed into a parish called Westpalstown.[15] Before
1204 Waspail married Margery, daughter of Thomas Flandrensis. She was
previously married to Robert de Bigarz and secondly to David de St. Michael.
These two men held land in the baronies of Oboy and Reban, County Kildare,
respectively.[16]
In 1224 Roger Waspail was
appointed seneschal of Ulster. He was still alive in June 1226 when the king
ordered the restoration of his chattels taken from Reban which he held in right
of his wife.[17] Roger
died shortly after and was succeeded by his son Henry Waspail. Between 1226 and
1228 he reconfirmed his father’s grant of Rathkeale to Keynesham Abbey.[18]
Henry died in 1233 and was succeeded by his brother Roger Waspail.[19]
This Roger Waspail got a grant
of free warren at Rathkeale in 1251 and was made deputy justiciar of Ireland in
1262.[20]
In 1280 he exchanged the manor of Rathkeale with John Maltravers for a life
grant of the manor of Wolcomb Maltravers in Dorset.[21]
Meanwhile we return to
Rathkeale and Keynesham’s ownership. It is said that church of St. Mary at
Askeaton was founded in 1298 as a commandery of the Knights Templars. After the
disbandment of the Templars (1307), Hubert de Burgo, bishop of Limerick granted
it to Keynesham abbey.[22]
Evidence for these comments has yet to be found. Rather the evidence disputes
and disproves such comments.
Rathkeale from the Lawrence collection
The aforementioned grant by
Waspail of Rathkeale to Keynesham was made before 1226 and long before any
suggested Templar connection. In fact an extensive study by Niall Byrne of the
Knights Templar in Ireland provides no connection between that order and
Rathkeale.[23] This is
further supported by original documents relating to Templar property published
by Gearoid Mac Niocaill.[24]
The bishop of Limerick that
was referred to, Hubert de Burgo was bishop between 1223 and 1250. He was
succeeded by Robert (1251-1272, Gerald le Marescal (1272-1301) and Robert de
Dundonald (1301-1311).[25]
Yet there is a connection
between Bishop Hubert, Keynesham Abbey and Rathkeale. Following the grant by
Roger Waspail, Keynesham managed its new benefice, collecting income and
appointing clerics. But the politically unstable situation in Ireland,
especially in west Munster which was still border country between the expanding
English area of control and the declining Irish area, made it difficult to
collect revenue. The battle of Callann near Kenmare in 1261 placed a stop to
this expansion.
Many religious houses in
England who got grants of property in Ireland found it more economically to
sell the property. In 1224 Tewkesbury Abbey sold their Dublin lands to the
Archbishop of Dublin and Christ Church, Canterbury gave their possessions to
Tintern Abbey in Wexford.[26]
Sometime after 1237 Keynesham
followed the example of these houses and did both actions. Under the direction
of John de Bureford, a canon of the abbey and their proctor in Ireland, they
granted the church of Rathkeale along with nine dependent chapels and property
rights in the cantred of Askeaton. These nine chapels were Rathofergus
[Rathfergus], Mayntaueny [Moytawnach], Mayryne [Kiltanna], Browry [Bruree],
Culbalysward [Howardstown], Karracnefy [Cathernasse & Cahernarry], Mayncro
[Croagh], Maymolcally [Kilnecally] and Orosse [unknown].[27]
In the same document Keynesham
granted the church of Askeaton to the priory of St. Catherine outside the walls
of Waterford.[28] This
priory was founded at an unknown date before 1207. The priory followed the
Augustinian rule of St. Victor just like Keynesham.[29]
Because of this the two houses could have had a pre-1237 connection. An early
donor to the priory, and possible founder, was Elias Fitz Norman. This man held
land around Listowel and along the border between present day Cork and Kerry.[30]
The grant of all these
parishes to the bishop of Limerick was of benefit to both sides. Keynesham got
ready money without the troubles of collection while the bishop got another
source of income. During his episcopal, Bishop Hubert was involved in costly
battles with the pope in Rome and the English government in Dublin. The legal
bills were high and the bishop had to borrow money from the Italian bankers. He
had difficulty repaying these loans and the interest bill was accumulating. In
1237, the same year he got the Keynesham parishes, Bishop Hubert repaid 160
marks of a loan which included 54 marks of interest.[31]
Askeaton and Ballingarry
The early thirteenth century
grant by Roger Waspail of Rathkeale to Keynesham Abbey failed to mention any other
parishes. But as we saw by the grant to Bishop Hubert around 1237 Rathkeale had
nine dependent chapels located across the cantred of Askeaton which included
the earlier cantred of Bruree. The church of Askeaton was another unmentioned
benefice and must have had formed part of a larger grant by Waspail to the
abbey. As mentioned, the church of Askeaton was given to the priory of St.
Catherine around 1237. Sometime afterwards Askeaton was granted to Bishop
Hubert of Limerick by the priory. Before 1250 Bishop Hubert granted Askeaton to
Keynesham.[32]
Another unmentioned parish
owned by Keynesham was Ballingarry which figured large in later documents. The
family of Byboys are said to be the owners of Ballingarry in the mid-1200s.[33] In
the fifteenth century Ballingarry operated as the chief parish held by
Keynesham with Askeaton as a junior parish.[34]
It is unknown if Ballingarry was transferred by Keynesham to another religious
house in the thirteenth century as its other Limerick possessions were. It is
also possible that the abbey kept control of Ballingarry without interruption.
From 1294 onwards the abbey appointed attorneys to manage its Irish property
which suggests that Ballingarry and Askeaton were under its direct ownership.
On 20th October 1294, Nicholas, abbot of Keynesham, got protection in
Ireland while he stayed in England. The abbot nominated William de Spene and
Richard Fykeys to represent the abbey in Ireland for the following two years.[35]
In 1295 the attorneys had to deal
with attacks upon the abbey’s appointments to Ballingarry. Papal authorities
called into question Keynesham’s right. But these attacks were rejected yet the
abbey’s right of appointment continued to be in dispute far into the fifteenth
century.[36]
In May 1299 letters of protection were given to the abbot of Keynesham,
staying in England, as he nominated Philip de Lyons and Ralph Body as his
attorneys in Ireland for three years.[37]
On 2 June 1302 the abbot of
Keynsham got letters of attorney for John Huse and Ralph Body to represent the
abbey in Ireland. Their term of office was for ensuing two years.[38]
In January 1309 at Langley the abbot of Keynesham received protection in
Ireland for two years while he stayed in England.[39]
On 24th April 1316 Nicholas,
abbot of Keynsham, while staying in England, had letters nominating Adam de
Keynsham, a lay brother of the house and Adam Gower as his attorneys in Ireland
for the ensuring two years. Abbot Nicholas also got personal protection in
Ireland for the same time.[40]
On 1st April 1318 these two attorneys had their term of office extended for
another three years. Twenty two days later the abbot of Keynesham got simple
protection to cover him in Ireland while he stayed in England. This protection
was for two years.[41]
In 1320 the abbot of Keynesham
held the rectory of Askeaton [Inysskesty], County Limerick. The income from the
rectory was for the abbot’s own use. The abbey also had the presentation to the
vicarage.[42] In the
ecclesiastical taxation of Ireland of 1302-1306 the parish of Askeaton is
mentioned twice. In the document entitled “taxation of all the goods of the
Bishop of Limerick” the rectory of Askeaton was valued at 16 marks while the
vicarage was valued at 8 marks.[43]
Another undated document of the diocese of Limerick the church of Askeaton is
valued at 12 marks.[44]
The barony, castle and manor
of Askeaton were held in 1320 by the late Thomas son of Richard de Clare.[45]
Losses and financial pressures
On 12th March 1321 the abbot of
Keynesham, got letters nominating Brother Adam de Keynesham and Adam Gower as his
attorneys in Ireland for two years.[46]
In June 1324 the two Adams were reappointed as Irish attorneys for another two
years.[47]
We do not know what business the two attorneys were engaged after June 1324.
Their chief job was to collect the tithes and incomes from the Limerick
parishes and sent the surplus back to Keynesham.
The responsibilities upon
these Irish attorneys were increased in the early 1320s as the abbey suffered
considerable financial stress in England and its revenues were stated to be
insufficient for modern needs. The tithes of Stoke in the parish of Chyw were
given to the abbey at its foundation but were taken by fraud and oppression. In
1324 the bishop and chapter of Bath and Wells gave the abbey the parish church
of High Littleton in compensation. Further east the abbey was denied a pension
of 12 marks from the church of Bradestede in the diocese of Canterbury. This loss
was due to the default of trusted counsel, by the abbey’s own simplicity and
the adversary of the then archbishop of Canterbury. Added to this was
additional financial loss incurred by cattle mortality, barrenness of lands and
flood damage. To compensate the fee for the archdeacon of Bath’s visitation of
the abbey was reduced to 10s and the yearly rent to Wells cathedral was set at
5s.[48] This
5s was appropriated to the cathedral fabric fund as appears in a receipt roll
in 1390.[49]
When Keynesham reappointed
Irish attorneys in 1326 Brother Adam de Keynesham was not reappointed. We do
not know if he had returned to England due to old age or if he had died. In
July 1326 Adam Gower was reappointed attorney and was joined by John de
Hembury, a canon of Keynesham. They were to serve for two years and we presume
that they saw out the full term.[50]
In October 1328 Abbot Nicholas reappointed Adam Gower as Irish attorney but
gave him a new second partner. The new man was Brother Adam le Fitz Richard, a
member of the abbey. Their term of office was for two years.[51]
On 29th November 1330 the abbot
of Keynsham nominated attorneys to serve in Ireland for two years. These were
Brother Adam son of Richard and John Fynamour.[52]
The long standing attorney, Adam Gower (first appointed in 1316), does not
appear in the nominating letters. His fate is as yet unknown.
In June 1334 the abbot
appointed two new attorneys to serve in Ireland for the succeeding two years.
These were Nicholas and Richard de Wedmor. Later the same month the abbot
received protection with clause volumus in Ireland, for
two years while continuing to stay in England.[53]
On 28th June
1336 Abbot Nicholas of Keynsham got letters nominating Brother Richard de
Wedmor and John de Hembury as his attorneys in Ireland for two years.[54]
Brother John de Hembury had previously served in Ireland from 1326 to 1328. On
this later occasion Brother Hembury didn’t serve the full term. In September
1337 Abbot Nicholas replaced both Wedmor and Hembury as attorneys. Instead he nominated
Brother William de Bromfield and John de Stokwood as his attorneys in Ireland
for three years. The prior of Bath received the attorneys by writ.[55]
Most of these attorneys were members of the
abbey as brothers or lay-brothers. The surnames of most of the attorneys
appointed by Keynesham over all the years suggest that they came from areas of
England and Wales where the abbey owned or held property. None of the attorneys
appear in the extensive registers of attendees to Oxford University which would
suggest that the abbey did all its training in-house. A visitation in 1526
found the education system at Keynesham to be totally inadequate. There was a
deficiency of books and many novices were illiterate.[56]
Many brothers of the abbey spent all their
lives involved with Keynesham as monks, vicars in the various abbey held
churches or attorneys in Ireland. This lack of exposure to the wider religious
world may have made low standards within the abbey acceptable as normal. The
absence of a greater skill base affected the abbey’s ability to respond to troubled
conditions.
The financial strain upon the abbey in
England seen in the early 1320s had by 1333 affected standards within the
abbey. The bishop of Bath and Wells wrote to the abbot to say that he
considered the canons to be insufficiently clothed.[57]
By the late 1330s the abbey’s Irish possessions were suffering in the declining
conditions. Wars had devastated their Irish lands and burnt their churches
while nature delivered further loss with severe flooding. The wars principally
created by Maurice Fitz Thomas Fitzgerald, first Earl of Desmond, as he sought
to acquire the Irish estates of the de Clare absentee heirs. Thomas son of
Richard de Clare died in 1321 without any direct heirs so that his possessions
were divided between his aunts, Margaret, wife of Sir Bartholomew de Badlesmere
and Maud, wife of Sir Robert de Wells.
To add to the break up of the de Clare
estates the area wherein lay the Limerick parishes owned by Keynesham Abbey
passed as dower land to Joan, wife of the late Richard de Clare.[58]
Maurice Fitzgerald regarded all the former
de Clare lands in the Counties of Kerry, Limerick and Cork along with those in
the lordship of Thomond as his by descent. Any legal claims he had to those
lands were very thin but still Maurice assembled his troops to take these lands
on the basis that possession was nine tenths of the law.
The amount of losses suffered by Keynesham
in the wars is unknown. It was stated at the time that the abbey was in great
poverty because they depended upon the rents in Ireland. Without detailed
receiver accounts it is difficult to assess what proportion of the abbey’s
total income came from Ireland. A papal document in 1394 valued Keynesham Abbey
at 250 marks.[59]
It is unclear if this figure covers the entire abbey’s income or just the
English possessions.
Sir Walter de Rodenye recognized the
abbey’s troubles and in 1337 he assigned the advowson of the parish church of Westharptre
to the abbey.[60] This
grant was no totally to the financial benefit of the abbey as the dean and
chapter of Bath and Wells, although approving the transfer, stipulated certain
conditions. Keynesham was require to pay 6s 8d per year towards the fabric of
Wells cathedral and 2s to the archdeacon of Bath for the loss of the parish
from his income. The chapter of Wells was to get 6s 8d in compensation for the
loss of revenue during vacancies at Westharptre.
If these financial commitments demised the
abbeys gains from its new parish Keynesham Abbey did not get full control of
the parish. It first had to wait to appoint a vicar until the next vacancy. Yet
even then there were restrictions as the new vicar was to have the rectory
house and associated buildings along with part of the parish’s crops of oats,
what, barley, straw and hay.[61]
Further appointments of Irish attorneys and trouble in
the abbey
On 9 May 1343 Abbot Nicholas re-nominated Brother William de Bromfield
as Irish attorney. He was accompanied by a new partner, Thomas Osmound. Thomas
de Evesham received the writ for the attorneys on this occasion. Brother
Bromfield and Osmound were supposed to serve two years in office but this did
not happen.[62]
On 8th September 1344 Abbot Nicholas of Keynsham nominated Brother Nicholas
de Leygrave, his fellow canon and Walter Whityng, chaplain, as his attorneys in
Ireland for the following three years.[63]
This is no reason given for such a change of personal and speculation would
produce many different suggestions.
Sometimes the reason for changing attorneys is available and it is not
always because of unsatisfactory performance in Ireland. On 12 January 1346 the bishop of Bath and Wells
instituted Walter Whityn, on the presentation of Keynesham Abbey to its new
vicarage of Westharptre.[64]
The abbey held a number of parishes in England and Wales as it did in
Ireland.
Model of Keynesham by Archidave - little remains of the abbey today
This redeployment necessitated a change of
Irish attorneys. On 30 March 1346 Abbot Nicholas nominated Walter Bagworth to
partner with Brother Nicholas de Leygrave for the ensuing two years. At the
same time the abbot nominated Henry Gamelyn to also act with Brother Nicholas.[65]
In March 1350 Abbot John of Keynesham nominated Peter de Marsfeld, a
lay-brother of the house, and Richard de Luttelbury of Donyngton as his
attorneys in Ireland for two years.[66]
We hear of no other Irish attorneys until June 1357 when Abbot John appointed
Thomas de Keynesham, his fellow-canon, and John Bathe as attorneys for two
years. James Huse received the attorneys by license of the chancellor.[67]
The appointment of a lay-brother was not
usual. Brother Adam de Keynesham was a lay brother on his first appointment as
Irish attorney in 1316. A non-cleric as attorney is of interest and may reflect
the effects of the Black Death which struck in 1348-1351. Thousands of people
died and monasteries were badly affected. Keynesham possibly lost brothers. But
rather than starting more intensive prayer and faith renewal the opposite seems
to be the case. The remaining brothers seem to have given up and lost interest
in maintaining religious standards.
The Bishop of Bath and Wells visited the
house in February 1350 and issued a sad report afterwards. He cited the neglect
at keeping the abbey’s gates safely closed which made the ornaments of the
church and valuables in the abbey open to be stolen. At refection hour lay
people were allowed into the refectory contrary to regulations while nightly
offices were irregularly kept. Poor financial accounts were observed in the
abbey’s kitchen, tannery, smithy and vineyards. Estates were let out in
perpetual copyright to the damage of the abbey and the death of the chamberlain
would deprive Keynesham of a wealth of corporate memory. The title deeds and
charters of the abbey were not stored in a secure location.
Another fault area
was that not a third of canons attended the refectory at meal times while lay
men and women entered the abbey at unlawful hours. Stealing by the abbey’s
staff was also a big problem as was the serious issue of serving the poor. Rather
the religious house was accused of abolishing many of the charities bequeathed
by the abbey’s founder to help the poor. One of the biggest faults seen on the
visit was the presence of sporting dogs within the abbey and their use by the
monks. This was viewed as something unbecoming of a religious monk.[68]
Battles for Askeaton
We learn little about the state of affairs
within the Irish parishes of Keynesham until the fifteenth century. Sometime
before May 1427 a new vicar was appointed to the vicarage of Askeaton. Edmund
McAdam, the incumbent had resigned the benefice to Cornelius, Bishop of
Limerick. The rector of Ballingarry, John Kyndton, was specially empowered by
Abbot William of Keynesham to present a new incumbent. Kyndton selected James
Cleayn, priest of the diocese of Killaloe, to fill the vacancy. Bishop
Cornelius instituted Cleayn despite Gillabertus Ykatyl illegally holding
Askeaton for more than a year.
But James Cleayn had doubts about whether
the presentation and institution held good. He petitioned the pope for papal
letters to make good his position. These were issued in May 1427 to the bishop
of Alet along with the chancellor and treasurer of Limerick to collate and
assign the vicarage to Cleayn.[69]
He held Askeaton in June 1427 when he was charged to pay 6 marks in first
fruits.[70]
Later Edmund McAdam changed his resignation
of Askeaton and recovered possession. Sometime before December 1458 McAdam
again resigned the vicarage before the public notary of Limerick and other
judges. They then gave the vicarage to Thomas Macega by papal authority and he
gained possession for a period of time. Then John Maclanchie lodged a claim of
false possession and took the case to Rome although the vicarage had not lawfully
devolved to the papal see.
Pope Eugene IV committed the case to a
papal auditor who favoured Thomas over John. Subsequently Philip Offlait,
priest of Limerick, brought false accusations against Thomas Macega and the
official of Limerick (acting on papal authority) to remove Thomas from
Askeaton. At this Thomas appealed to Rome where Pope Nicholas V sent the case
to a papal auditor of Thomas’s choice. With little surprise judgement was given
in Thomas’s favour and against Philip.
Bishop John of Limerick then admitted
Thomas Macega to Askeaton to the objection of Philip Offlait. Faced with a
choice between two priests in his diocese, the bishop expelled both candidates
and appointed Philip Ocathill, clerk of Limerick, to Askeaton. Thomas Macega
made another appeal to Rome and got dispensation on account of his illegitimacy
as the son of unmarried parents. He then got a mandate to have Askeaton. This
mandate set a value on the vicarage at 8 marks and also mentioned previous incumbents
of Askeaton as Gilbert Itaschill and William Ymolcorkra along with Edmund
McAdam.[71]
It is not known if Macega succeeded to the vicarage or if more appeals were
made. In these deliberations not mention is made of Keynesham Abbey.
Challengers for Ballingarry in the 1450s
Keynesham Abbey did not have
all of Ballingarry for its own enjoyment. Sometime between 1399 and 1426 a
house of the Franciscan Third Order Regular was founded at Kilshane by John
Fitzgerald of Pobbnesheagh. In 1488, John Lesse, the minister of the
Ballingarry community was in a dispute over tithes.[72]
We have no records of the appointment of Irish attorneys between 1357
and 1409. The problems of keeping proper standards within the abbey may have
contributed to poor management of it interests without. On 16 May 1409 Abbot
Thomas of Keynesham appointed Thomas Danyell and John Littelbury as his
attorneys in Ireland for one year. John Roderh, clerk, received the attorneys
until the coming they came to Ireland.[73]
About this time the vicarage of Ballingarry
became vacant by the death of William, son of Thomas Ymalcorkra. The vicarage
was then valued at 12 marks. Thomas Saleys, alias Cristour, was presented to
the benefice by, it seems, Keynesham Abbey as the parish’s ancient patrons. But
Thomas had doubts as to their authority so he petitioned the pope for further
security. Clerics, and people who were not very clerical, in fifteenth and
sixteenth century Ireland were often looking out for suspect presentation to a
benefice so that they could ‘run to Rome’ and get the benefice for their own
benefit. Shortly after the petition a mandate was issued to the chancellor of
Limerick to assign the vicarage to Thomas.[74]
In 1445 the vicar of Ballingarry, Gilbert
O’Liathain, exchanged the benefice with that of Croom held by Malachy Oconify.
This received the sanction of the bishop of Limerick.[75]
But Malachy had doubts about the transaction and in July 1445 got a papal
mandate to confirm the exchange. Ballingarry was valued at 16 marks. In his
received mandate Malachy also got the canonry and prebend of Kilrossanty in the
diocese of Lismore.[76]
In about October 1450 Gyllocius Okeyt, a
canon of Lismore, was collated to the prebend of Kilrossanty (Lismore diocese)
along with the deanery of Lismore, the prebend of St. Munchins with a canonry
(Limerick diocese) and the vicarage of Ballingarry (also Limerick diocese).
Okeyt got a papal dispensation on account of charges of simony, perjury and
other ill-regularities to acquire all these benefices. Keynesham Abbey was
acknowledged as holding the right of presentation to Ballingarry when there is
no situation of papal reservation.[77]
Okeyt did not enjoy the benefice for long as a new claimant emerged in 1452.
In the summer of 1452 William Torriger was
presented to Ballingarry by Keynesham Abbey and instituted by John bishop of
Limerick. Torriger claimed to have the presentation in succession to Malachy
Oconify who had died. Torriger further claims that he obtained possession of
the vicarage but was opposed by Gillacius Okeyt, the former vicar. Torriger
petitioned the pope for resolution as did Okeyt. Pope Nicholas V gave the case
to the papal auditor William bishop elect of Oloron who judge the vicarage in
favour of Torriger. Auditor William went on to issue a perpetual silence upon
Okeyt and charged him the legal costs along with a fine of 24 gold florins.
Pope Nicholas, on the recommendation of Torriger, issued a mandate in June 1452
to the bishop of Limerick, the vidame of Rheims and Richard Purcell, canon of
Cloyne to give peaceful possession to Torriger and impose the punishments upon
Okeyt.[78]
The Torriger case valued the Ballingarry
vicarage at 20 marks and mentioned previous incumbents as Gilbert Ylan and
Thomas Sales.[79]
The fines and sentences, including that of
excommunication, imposed on Okeyt made a further appeal uneconomic. He
surrendered the vicarage to Torriger with an agreement on the fruits and costs.
But the sentence of excommunication still stood and as dean of Lismore along
with other benefices Okeyt was severely restricted in his career. Okeyt tried
to celebrate masses while under sentence for which he was further reprimanded.
In July 1454 Okeyt petitioned the pope for deliverance. This resulted in a
mandate to the bishop of Lismore to lift the sentence of excommunication and
restore Okeyt to full cleric status.[80]
In 1457 Gillacius Okeyt another petition
relating to Ballingarry. He restated his loss of Ballingarry and his subsequent
excommunication. Gillacius goes on to recount an agreement between Torriger and
Gillacius whereby they submitted the matter to John bishop of Limerick for
arbitration and to assign costs of legal action. The judgement was that
Torriger had to pay costs to Gillacius while the latter left the former in
peaceful possession. But Gillacius felt he had left himself open to a charge of
simony for taking money in connection with a benefice placement. Therefore he
petitioned the pope for absolution from simony and to have the deanery of
Lismore in peaceful possession which mandate was given.[81]
In 1458 Matthew Ogriffa, a canon of
Limerick, was dispense by the pope to hold benefices on account of his
illegitimacy as the son of a priest. Ogriffa had studied canon law for more
than ten years (of which four year were in Oxford). He was given provision to
the vicarage of Disertmalacala (Killaloe diocese), the prebend of St. Munchins
with a canonry in Limerick diocese along with the vicarage of Ballingarry
(value 20 marks). Ogriffa was also given the archdeaconry of Limerick to add to
his collection of benefices and later on the deanery of Cashel. But Ogriffa had
difficulty in getting actual possession of St. Munchins.[82]
The mandate to Ogriffa for Ballingarry didn’t
state the reasons for the vacancy at the vicarage. The death of William
Torriger or the resignation of previous incumbents, Malachy Ycomnyd and
Gillasius Okeyt were given to cover all possibilities. An earlier mandate said
that Malachy died while incumbent.[83]
A few years later, in May 1463 Matthew Ogriffa was appointed bishop of Killaloe
which position he held until his death in September 1483.[84]
In a papal mandate of 1460 we learn some
financial details of Keynesham’s Limerick parishes. According to Cornelius
Ydeayd, a priest of the diocese of Limerick, the abbey held a number of
rectorial tithes in the parishes of Ballingarry and Askeaton. These tithes were
not collected in person by an abbey representative but set out on lease to lay
people for a yearly rent. Ydeayd feared that because these tithes were leased
out for such a long time that their ownership could be assumed by these lay
people to the loss of Keynesham. Ydeayd said that the granting of tithes to lay
people was forbidden under diocesan regulations. He recommended the granting of
the tithes to himself for which he would seek recovery from the lay holders and
pay good money to Keynesham. Pope Pius II mandated the bishop of Limerick to
investigate the matter. If he found as Ydeayd said then the bishop was to let
to farm to Ydeayd who was to send a yearly payment to Keynesham.[85]
References after 1460 about Ballingarry do not mention any Keynesham
connection but as Mick Ashton of Time Team fame once said ‘the absence of
evidence does not mean the evidence of absence’.[86]
In 1488 Nicholas Wall, priest of Limerick diocese, was granted the vicarage of
Ballingarry (value 16 marks). The occupier, Philip Okayl was to be removed by
the three mandated judges.[87]
In 1492 William Omulcorery, cleric of Limerick applied to the pope for the
vicarages of Ballingarry and Kilscannell which were occupied by Nicholas Wall
and Thady Offlahyf, respectively.[88]
By June 1492 he was successful and was charged to pay half the first fruits (annatis)
to the papal court as vicars were obligated to do in their first year in a
parish.[89]
At the Irish Parliament of 1537 the papal right to annatis was ended and the
money became due to the crown.[90]
In 1500 Kilscannell was united with the chancellorship of Limerick.[91]
Keynesham under lack rule in the 1450s
The many challengers and security of
Keynesham’s tithes in 1450s Limerick has to be seen against the lack of
discipline within the abbey. In 1451 Bishop Beckington of Bath and Wells found
several poor standards and lacked rules at Keynesham. He ordered improvements.
But Abbot Walter Bekynsfield was aged and incapable or unwilling to change to
harsher administration. In 1455 another commission found no improvements and
forced the abbot to resign for his resistance to change. Thomas Tyler was
appointed the new abbot but resistance was still strong. Canon John Ledbury, a
resistance leader, was transferred to Worspring abbey in 1458 after which
things settled down. But a few months later the resistance to harsh
administration grew again. Further commissions had to be issued in 1458 and
1459 to affect obedience.[92]
Dungarvan rectory, Co. Waterford
In 1413 Keynesham Abbey
acquired the plebania rectory of Dungarvan, Co. Waterford. This acquisition was
not just gaining a normal parish church. Dungarvan had the right of
presentation to thirteen parishes across mid-County Waterford. These parishes
were Affane, Aglish, Clashmore, Clonea, Colligan, Fews, Kilgobinet, Kilronan,
Kinsalebeg, Lisgenan, Ringagonagh and Whitechurch.[93]
The plebania status in action
can be seen in many papal documents such as in 1493. Around that year a vacancy
occurred in the vicarage of Kinsalebeg. The rector of Dungarvan, Walter
Mandeville, presented Philip O’Delaney as it was the rector’s right by ancient
and approved custom. The bishop of Lismore then made the institution by his
ordinary authority. O’Delaney then secured a papal mandate as added insurance
to his title against challengers.[94]
Surviving wall of St. Mary's parish church, Dungarvan with the five round windows
The crown held the advowson of
Dungarvan for many decades up to the early fourteenth century. Roger Mortimer
granted Dungarvan advowson to the archbishop of Cashel in return for allowing a
crown prison in Cashel which was the archbishop’s town. Rev. Richard de Clare,
the crown incumbent at Dungarvan was removed at the transfer time.
The archbishop kept Dungarvan
for a number of years but in 1322 the crown revoked the grant to the
archbishop. The reason given was that the chantry in Cashel cathedral, which
Dungarvan was to maintain, was not functioning. In 1332 the crown granted the
advowson to Maurice Fitz Thomas Fitzgerald, Earl of Desmond. The Earl’s
ancestor, Thomas FitzAnthony held the advowson in the early years of the
thirteenth century. For more on Thomas FitzAnthony see the article = http://celtic2realms-medievalnews.blogspot.ie/2013/09/thomas-fitz-anthony-thirteenth-century.html
John O’Grada, archbishop-elect
of Cashel, asked for restoration of Dungarvan but without success. Successive
archbishops sought restoration over the century. Archbishop Philip de
Torrington asked for restoration of Dungarvan and its chapels around 1378 but
again without success.[95] The
Earls of Desmond kept the advowson of Dungarvan until 1413 when they sold it
for political reasons.
Keynesham gets Dungarvan
In 1413 Thomas Fitzgerald,
fifth Earl of Desmond (d. 1420) wrote to the King asking permission to grant
the advowson of the church of Dungarvan to the abbot and convent of Keynesham,
notwithstanding the Statue of Mortmain.[96] It
could be presumed that Keynesham gave Earl Thomas the advowsons for its County
Limerick parishes in exchange for Dungarvan yet documentation does not support
this. Although the survey of the abbey’s possessions at the dissolution mentions
Dungarvan rectory as the only owned benefice of Keynesham in Ireland. There was
no reference to the former Limerick parishes.[97] Yet,
a document from 1427 shows Keynesham as holding its two Limerick parishes as
noted above.[98]
On 12th September 1413 the king
gave licence for the grant on payment of 20 marks.[99] A
few months later on 18 December 1413 Abbot Thomas of Keynesham received protection with clause volumus for half a year as he went to Ireland
on the king’s service in the company of the Earl of Desmond and so ensure the
safe-keeping of that land.[100]
In the previous year (1412),
Earl Thomas was driven out by his uncle, James Fitzgerald. He travelled to
England seeking support to recover his earldom. It would seem for later
documents that Earl Thomas found support at Keynesham Abbey. The Limerick
parishes of Askeaton and Ballingarry were situated in the heart of the earldom.
A stable earldom was to the obvious benefit of Keynesham. It would appear that
the abbey opened doors for the Earl in London and among the regional magnates.
The results can be seen in
August 1413 when ships were arrested for the passage of the Earl to Ireland
with a considerable force of Englishmen to devastate Munster. The Munster civil
war which followed is poorly documented and we do not know what part the Abbot
Thomas played. Yet by 1417 Earl Thomas was falsely and deceitfully taken
prisoner by James of Desmond. The Lord Lieutenant, John Talbot, spent great
labour and expense to secure the release of the Earl. In 1418 the Earl
surrendered his earldom to his uncle and left for France where he died in 1420.
He was buried in Paris on 10 August in the presence of King Henry V of England.[101]
The abbey under strain and under
orders
It is unclear what attitude
the new Earl of Desmond, James Fitzgerald, had towards Keynesham Abbey after it
gave aid to the disposed Earl. The civil war within the Fitzgerald family cannot
but have had effected the abbey’s Irish revenue. By 1423 it seems that the
abbey was short of money both in England and Ireland. On 15 June 1423, a writ was
issued from Henry VI on the advice of the great council for Keynsham Abbey to
have certain lands both spiritual and temporal in Ireland to aid their sustenance
in England and that the abbey was to find a canon to be their proctor in
Ireland and to stay there continuously.[102] It
would seem that John Kyndton, rector of Ballingarry, acted as the abbey’s
proctor a few years later in 1427.[103]
The proctor gained revenue by
the collection of tithes, leasing or selling the fruits and acquiring income
generated from farming the landed estates. Not all of this Irish revenue could
be sent back to Keynesham. The proctor had first to pay all subsidies and
charges, according to the annual value of the possessions, to the Dublin
government. This money was to aid the war against the Irish rebels and enemies.
Other English abbeys with possessions in Ireland were similarly charge to pay
Irish taxation before any remissions to England.[104]
Burnham and Stack make claims for
Dungarvan
In about 1427 Henry Burnham of
the diocese of Norwich petitioned the pope for Dungarvan rectory and control of
its rural chapels after it had been vacant since the death of Maurice Ocogereyn.
The rectory was then valued at 40 marks. Henry Burnham also sought the
archdeaconry of Lismore (value 10 marks). Pope Martin V mandated Richard, Bishop
of Lismore to collate and assign the benefices to Burnham.[105]
At this development Keynesham Abbey inserted its claim to hold the advowson of
Dungarvan and the right of presentation. The bishop of Lismore held judgement and
accepted Burnham as rector without any acknowledgment of Keynesham’s title.
Keynesham Abbey appealed to the pope but not within the lawful time
limit. Still the pope gave the case to Ralph, auditor and papal chaplain who
judge Keynesham to have proper title of presentation and deprived Burnham of
the rectory. Burnham lodged an appeal and the pope cancelled the judgements of both
Bishop Richard and Ralph. Both sides then went into legal discussion in Rome.[106]
Meanwhile back in Ireland
Henry Burnham forcibly entered the rectory of Dungarvan based on the judgement
of Bishop Richard. Later the chancellorship of Limerick became vacant and Henry
Burnham lodged a claim for it for which he would resign from the archdeaconry
of Lismore. In April 1439 Pope Eugene IV ordered Burnham to resign both
benefices. Following the resignation the pope granted Dungarvan (value 100
marks) and the chancellorship (value 60 marks) to Burnham. The archbishop of
Cashel, the bishop of Adria and the archdeacon of Hainault were to implement
the mandate.[107]
Keynesham Abbey was not happy
with this result and lodged further appeals and protests. By May 1440 Pope
Eugene’s patience with Keynesham had reached low ebb. He issued an order declaring
that the abbey had no right to Dungarvan and gave corporal possession to Henry
Burnham. The pope placed a perpetual silence of Keynesham and condemned them
for the costs of legal appeals. He fined the abbey 50 gold florins.[108]
Into this troubled situation
the papal authorities decided in 1441 to add a new element. John Stack, a canon
of Limerick who had studied canon and civil law, was recently dispensed to hold
church benefices as a son of a deacon. Before October 1441 John Stack was
granted the archdeaconry of Limerick and the rectory of Dungarvan. In that
month he was granted a canonry and two prebends in the diocese of Tuam.[109]
In the grant of Dungarvan to
John Stack, the institution was to be in succession on the death of Maurice
Ocogorayn or by the resignation of Ralph Beldesford and Gerald son of Maurice
son of Sir Richard Fitzgerald.[110]
The absence of any mention of Henry Burnham would suggest that Keynesham filed
another appeal which was successful.
John Stack informed the pope
that the vicar of Dungarvan had responsibility for the cure of souls in that
parish while the rectory had such responsibility in the wider plebania of
Dungarvan. Stack also said that the cathedral church of Lismore had few
canonries and prebends. He asked if the plebania responsibility for the cure of
souls be suppressed and the plebania erected into a prebend for John’s life
then divine worship would increase at the cathedral. The pope mandated the
abbot of Molana abbey to investigate this and if true grant Stack’s wishes,
provided the assent of the patrons was given.[111] These
patrons are described as laymen but are not named. Keynesham Abbey could be
suggested here or the previous Earls of Desmond.
By February 1450 John Stack
had failed to get peaceful possession of the archdeaconry of Limerick, but did
get Dungarvan rectory which was created into a prebend and attached to a
canonry which Stack got in Lismore cathedral. John Stack was unable to get the
Tuam benefices. Pope Nicholas V issued a mandate that Stack should have all
these benefices with the addition of a canonry and prebend in the diocese of
Cloyne.[112]
In 1458 we learn that John
Stack, by then dean of Ardfert, had got the archdeaconry of Limerick along with
the plebania of Dungarvan and holding a canonry and prebend in the diocese of
Cloyne. But Stack had received so many papal letters at different times
relating to these benefices that he felt his title to be insecure. Thus in July
1458 he got a papal mandate to hold all the benefices. This provision was made
even though Stack was for a long time only in minor orders and was lately
promoted to the priesthood.[113] He
would eventually end up as bishop of Ardfert.[114]
In this entire mandate little,
if anything, was said about administrating Christian ideas and ceremonies to
the parishioners across the four dioceses. We saw earlier how Stack got the
Dungarvan plebania responsibility for the caring of souls suppressed. This
absence and the many battles for benefices mentioned above along with other
abuses would soon reach a crisis point. King Henry II came to Ireland on a
mission to bring reformation to the Irish church. His descendent, King Henry
VIII would soon bring a transforming reformation that would change the
landscape of Ireland and Britain for centuries to come.
It was stated earlier that the rectory of
Dungarvan was valued at 100 marks by papal authorities. In a mandate of 1489 we
learn that the vicarage of Dungarvan was valued at 20 marks. As the vicarage of
a parish was one third the value of the parish rectory this would make
Dungarvan rectory worth 60 marks. The extra 40 marks would be accounted as the
value of the plebania.
In
the aforementioned mandate of 1489 Denis Oronan, priest of Lismore diocese, was
appointed vicar by the patron, presumed to be the rector acting on behalf of
Keynesham. Oronan was then instituted by Thomas Purcell, bishop of Lismore.
Oronan said that the patron was in ‘peaceful possession or what amounted to it’
and so he sought a papal mandate to confirm his appointment.[115]
In the Act of Parliament of 1537 for the
taking into crown ownership the plebania of Dungarvan, a brief outline of its
history under Keynesham Abbey was given. We are told that after the abbey got
Dungarvan in 1413 it enjoyed peaceful possession for a long time and earned
good money from the various sources. But then following the rebellion of the
late Earls of Desmond the abbey lost out. The Earl seized the plebania and
appointed his own clergy. These clerics, helped by the Earl, took the parochial
incomes for their use and that of the Earl. Keynesham Abbey appealed to the
king for help in recovery and started legal proceedings in the courts. But all
avenues proved futile and the Earls kept possession and presentation. The
seizure of Keynesham’s Irish property under the Act of Absentees (1536) was to
prevent the Earls of Desmond from having any further claim to Dungarvan.[116]
What
were these events and do we have any evidence to substantiate the claims of
crown officials?
Reformation, absenteeism and dissolution
The fortunes of Keynesham
Abbey received a boost in 1495 when Jasper Tudor, Duke of Bedford and Earl of
Pembroke, asked to be buried in a tomb within Keynesham abbey and gave 100
marks to make the tomb. He further authorised that revenue from certain manors
be given to fund 4 preestes to sing perpetually in the abbey for his soul and
that of his father, mother, Edmund, late Earl of Richmond, his brother and all
his predecessors. In default of this he authorised one or two benefices to the
value of £40 or £50 be given in perpetually for five or six priests to sing for
his soul daily. In default of this the abbot was to get £100 for two priests to
sing in perpetually. To further delight the abbey Jasper Tudor gave his best
gown of gold for vestments.[117]
By 1518 Keynesham Abbey along with its
English and Irish interests began to come up against a reform movement that
would change the face of Christianity in these isles. The Augustinian general
chapter in June 1518 heard the order faced imminent ruin if it did not reform.
Delinquent canons threatened to confiscate monastic assets if disciplinary
penalties, approved by the pope, were introduced. Some argued for a stricter
regime with new rules but others argued against. Cardinal Wolsey was asked not
to let any harmful writ passed through Chancery when the chapter adjourned for
three years.
In response, Cardinal Wolsey obtained papal
approval to reform all monastic orders in Britain including the Augustinian
order under the rule of St. Victor to which Keynesham was affiliated. He
devised new rules for presentation at a conference of leading Augustinians,
Benedictines and Cistercians at York Place, London in November 1519. The Benedictines
rejected the rules almost immediately. In February 1520 the Augustinians said
no and repeated that answer when Wolsey tried again in March 1520.[118] Thereafter
the religious houses continued their declining standards until Henry VIII and
Thomas Cromwell reformed the houses by complete closure in the late 1530s.
During the 1520s Keynesham Abbey was in
urgent need of reform. A visitation in 1526 by the vicar-general of the bishop
of Bath and Wells found a deplorable situation. Things were so bad that the
abbot, John Stourton, admitted that the fabric of the abbey was in a ruinous
condition. The Visitor found the choir of the church to be a filthy state and
much frequented with dogs as if it were a kennel. Perhaps these dogs were
successors to the sporting dogs observed at a previous visitation. Water and
fuel were scarce and there was a lack of books for divine service. None of the
brothers studied at Oxford and many of the novices were illiterate although
they desired to study grammar.[119]
It is difficult to see how Keynesham could
manage its Irish possessions when the abbey itself was in such a bad condition.
At the best of times absentee land owners living in England found managing
their Irish property to be difficult. The English and Irish governments were
concerned about absentee owners since the early days of the Norman Conquest.
At the first session of the
so-called ‘Reformation’ Parliament held at Dublin in May 1536 an Act of
absentees was passed. The preamble of the act said that the defence of Ireland
had been damaged by absentee landlords, living in England while holding land in
Ireland. The act seized all the Irish lands, benefices and revenues held of
Keynsham Abbey along with other English abbeys and three named English lords
(the Duke of Norfolk, the Earl of Shrewsbury and Lord Berkeley), along with the
heirs general of the Earl of Ormond and members of the Kildare Fitzgeralds.[120]
On 19th January 1541 a survey of
Keynesham’s possessions in County Waterford was made. These possessions
included the rectory of Dungarvan and its vicarages. No landed property is
mentioned. If land was attached to Dungarvan rectory in ancient times such did
not pass to Keynesham in the Earl of Desmond’s gift. Much of the abbey’s
revenue came from tithes on the grange land of the various parishes and the
altar dues collected at the different churches. The total value of the
possessions was £40 Irish. The income from Dungarvan and its vicarages was
granted for 21 years to James Earl of Ormond and James Butler, viscount Thurles
at an annual rent to the crown of £26 13s 4d.[121]
Mention of this rent is recorded in an Ormond document of 1540.[122]
The English possessions of
Keynesham Abbey in 1335 were valued at £450 10s 4½d. Out of this came dues and
pensions worth £30 13s 1¾d which left a net value of £419 10s 4¼d.[123]
This would place Dungarvan as worth about 10% of the abbey’s value. No mention
is made of the Limerick parishes of Ballingarry and Askeaton. What the two
surveys do show is that whereas in the 1330s the abbey was dependent on its
Irish possessions to generate a profit, this had changed by 1535. By then any
income from Ireland was a bonus rather than a vital part of the abbey’s finances.
Not all the parishes within
the plebania of Dungarvan appear in the 1541 survey. These absent parishes were
Clonea, Colligan, and Kilgobinet. It is possible that Keynesham or the rector
of Dungarvan, acting on their behalf or his own initiative, sold the three
parishes sometime before the dissolution. Many religious houses disposed of
some of their estates before the dissolution. They possibly believed that the
government’s madness would fade in time and the houses could return to their
previous status. At their return they could recover the hidden property and
continue their previous lifestyle.
At the last session of the
Irish ‘Reformation’ Parliament (13 October-20 December 1537) the crown got an
act passed to take formal control of the rectory of Dungarvan and its plebania
of dependent parishes. The dependent parishes were named in the act but those
of Clonea, Colligan and Kilgobinet were not included or named.
The seizure by the crown did
not result in a clean out of the incumbent clergy as what happen when Dungarvan
was given to the archbishop of Cashel in the 1320s. The incumbent vicar of
Dungarvan, Rev. Maurice Connell was left in his position for life as were any
vicars of the dependent parishes.[124] It
was not so stated but these clerics had to acknowledge the king as head of the
church as an act to that affect was passed in the same Parliament. And by
another act the Parliament banned the pope from all matters relating to
religion in England and Ireland.[125] How
many of these clerics did conformed to the new Protestant religion is difficult
to say.
For many years after the
dissolution the name of Keynesham Abbey and its Irish possessions continued to
appear in the state papers. Following the grant to the Earl of Ormond, the County
Waterford possessions were granted on lease to John Luker for 21 years by
letters patent issued on 31 October 1577. A new grant was issued on 10 March
1596 to Roger Dalton for another 21 years. Dalton had previously inherited
large estates between Dungarvan and Cappoquin.
On 10 September 1603 the
Dalton lease was superseded by a grant to Sir George Carey of Dungarvan rectory
for 40 years. The usual practice was that these various leases would come into
operation once the last lease had finished its full term. To add to the
mathematical calculations on 19 December 1614 Sir Charles Wilmot got a grant in
fee simple of various properties across eleven counties including the former
Keynesham possessions.[126]
In the ‘Account of the
temporalities of the Bishopric of Waterford’ written by Rev. Joshua Boyle in
1660 the Earl of Cork had acquired the advowson of Dungarvan rectory and the
presentment of the vicar. Joshua Boyle mentions that Keynesham Abbey once held
the rectory. The said Earl had also acquired the depended parishes of the old
plebania of Dungarvan because of ancient custom as he held the head rectory.
These other parishes included those which were absent from the 1535 survey,
namely, Clonea, Colligan and Kilgobinet. The first fruits of the combined
parishes were worth about £72.[127]
The world after dissolution
Keynesham Abbey was dissolved
on 23 January 1539 and surrendered by Abbot John Staunton and 10 monks. Richard
Walter got £12 to melt the roof lead on the church, cloisters and steeple and
for the bells for scrap. The abbey house was pulled down in 1776.[128] The
abbey site was destroyed in 1960’s with the building of a bye pass.[129]
Appendix one
Crown survey
County Waterford
Extent of the rectory of Dungarvan in the said county parcel possession
of the abbey of Keynesham in England --- -- --- -- -- king’s authority of
parliament -- -- at the city of Waterford 19 January 32 Henry VIII
Rectory of Dungarvan
Who say upon their oath that the possessions that rectory aforesaid of
the said abbey of Keynesham – ad quam quidem rectorial tithes of parishes and
vills following evidently view. Two parts of the tithes of granges and altarage
of Kinsalebeg besides third part of the vicarage of the same place belonging, annual
value 66s 8d sterling; two parts of the tithes of granges and altarage in the
parish of Lisgenan besides third part of the vicarage of the same place belonging,
annual value £6 13s 4d sterling; two parts of the tithes of granges and
altarage of Affane besides third part of the vicarage of the same place belonging,
annual value 66s 8d sterling; all tithes of Ballymacart parcel of the parish of
Lisgenan annual value 26s 8d sterling; two parts of the tithes of granges and
altarage of the parish of Aglish besides third part of the vicarage of the same
place belonging, annual value 40s sterling; the tithes of the parish of Clashmore
annual value 66s 8d sterling; two parts of the tithes of granges and altarage
of the parish of Whitechurch besides third part of the vicarage of the same
place belonging, annual value 106s 8d sterling; two parts of the tithes of
granges and altarage of the parish of Rossmire and Templewyre besides third
part of the vicarage of the same place belonging, annual value £6 sterling; two
parts of the tithes of granges and altarage of the parish of Kilronan besides third
part of the vicarage of the same place belonging, annual value £6 sterling; two
parts of the tithes of granges and altarage of the parish of Ringagonagh
besides third part of the vicarage of the same place belonging, annual value
53s 4d sterling and likewise manor rectory of Dungarvan aforesaid is worth
annually 10s sterling and the tithes of corn in parish of Dungarvan besides altarage
of the vicarage there annual value £10 sterling.
The sum extent of the aforesaid rectory £50 10s sterling
That likewise of the rectory is set aside for James Earl of Ormond and
for James Butler, viscount of Thurles by provision of lord king of the land of
Ireland by formal indenture of the great seal lord king of the land of Ireland
signed on date 30 April in the royal 29th year as advertised by
Anthony St. Leger and the else while commissioners of lord king for the term of
21 years thence annual rent £26 13s 4d sterling which is £40 Irish
The sum firm possessions of the above abbey of Keynesham pertaining £40
Irish
============================
End of post
============================
[3] William Page (ed.), A History
of the County of Somerset (Victoria County History, 1911), vol. 2, p. 129
[4] Cokayne, George Edward (ed.), The
Complete Peerage of England, Scotland, Ireland, Great Britain and the United
Kingdom (Alan Sutton, Gloucester, 1987), vol. 4, pp. 687-689
[6] Cokayne, George Edward (ed.), The
Complete Peerage, vol. 4, pp. 688-9
[7] William Page (ed.), A History
of the County of Somerset, vol. 2, p. 132, note 47 = Tanner, Notitia, p. xlvi Ann Monas (Rolls Series), I, 57
[8] Bridget Wells-Furby
(ed.), A catalogue of the medieval
muniments at Berkeley Castle (Bristol and Gloucester Archaeological
Society, vol. 17, 2004), p. 528
[9] Bridget Wells-Furby
(ed.), A catalogue of the medieval
muniments at Berkeley Castle (Bristol and Gloucester Archaeological Society,
vol. 17, 2004), p. 225
[10] E. Green (ed.), Pedes Finium,
I, 1196-1307: Feet of fines for the County of Somerset (Somerset Record Society, vol. 6,
1892), p. 23; Bridget Wells-Furby
(ed.), A catalogue of the medieval
muniments at Berkeley Castle (Bristol and Gloucester Archaeological
Society, vol. 18, 2004), p. 848
[11] C.A. Empey, ‘The Settlement of the Kingdom of Limerick’, in James
Lydon (ed.), England and Ireland in the
Later Middle Ages (Irish Academic Press, Dublin, 1981), pp. 10, 12, 19
(note 20), 36
[12] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar
of documents relating to Ireland (5 vols. Kraus-Thomson, Liechtenstein,
1974), vol. 1 (1171-1251), no. 120
[13] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar
of documents relating to Ireland (5 vols. Kraus-Thomson, Liechtenstein, 1974),
vol. 1 (1171-1251), nos. 362, 529
[14] Rev. James MacCaffrey (ed.), The
Black Book of Limerick (M.H. Gill, Dublin, 1907), p. 84
[15] Charles McNeill (ed.), Calendar
of Archbishop Alen’s register c.1172-1534 (Royal Society of Antiquaries of
Ireland, Dublin, 1950), p. 14
[16] Eric St. John Brooks, Knight’s
fees in Counties Wexford, Carlow and Kilkenny (13th-15th
Century) (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1950), p. 85
[17] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar
of documents relating to Ireland, vol. 1 (1171-1251), nos. 1158, 1392
[18] Rev. James MacCaffrey (ed.), The
Black Book of Limerick, p. 83
[19] Eric St. John Brooks, Knight’s
fees in Counties Wexford, Carlow and Kilkenny, p. 85
[20] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar
of documents relating to Ireland, vol. 1 (1171-1251), nos. 3164; Ibid, vol.
2, no. 727
[21] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar
of documents relating to Ireland, vol. 1 (1252-1284), no. 1778; Eric St.
John Brooks, Knight’s fees in Counties Wexford,
Carlow and Kilkenny, p. 86
[23] Niall Byrne, The Irish
Crusade: A History of the Knights Hospitaller, the Knights Templar, and the
Knights of Malta in the South-East of Ireland (Linden, Dublin, 2007)
[24] Gearoid Mac Niocaill (ed.), ‘Documents relating to the suppression
of the Templars in Ireland’, in Analecta
Hibernica, no. 24 (1967), pp. 183-226
[25] Rev. James MacCaffrey (ed.), The
Black Book of Limerick, pp. xliii, xlvi-xlvii
[26] M.D. O’Sullivan, Italian
merchant bankers in Ireland (Alan Figgis, Dublin, 1962), p. 40, note 2
[27] Rev. James MacCaffrey (ed.), The
Black Book of Limerick, pp. 84-5. The chancellor of Limerick subsequently
held the parishes of Rathkeale, Kilscannell and Clonshire = Rev. Michael
Moloney (ed.), ‘Obligationes pro annatis diocesis Limiricensis 1421-1519’, in Archivium Hibernicum, vol. 10 (1943), p.
105 note 4. The parishes of Cahernarry, Bruree and Howardstown subsequently
formed part of the benefices held by the dean of Limerick = ibid, Archivium Hibernicum, vol. 10 (1943), p.
127, note 59
[28] Rev. James MacCaffrey (ed.), The
Black Book of Limerick, p. 85
[29] Aubrey Gwynn and R.
Neville Hadcock, Medieval Religious Houses
Ireland (Irish Academic Press, Blackrock, 1988), p. 197
[30] Paul MacCotter, ‘Lordship and Colony in Anglo-Norman Kerry,
1177-1400’, in the Journal of the Kerry
Archaeological and Historical Society, Series 2, Vol. 4 (2004), pp. 62-3
[31] M.D. O’Sullivan, Italian
merchant bankers in Ireland, pp. 37-8
[32] Rev. James MacCaffrey (ed.), The
Black Book of Limerick, pp. 47-8
[33] Mark Keegan, ‘The archaeology of manorial settlement in west county
Limerick in the thirteenth century’, in James Lyttleton & Tadhg O’Keeffe
(eds.), The Manor in Medieval and Early
Modern Ireland (Four Courts Press, Dublin, 2005), p. 26
[34] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar
of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland (Stationery Office,
London, 1906), vol. VII, p. 509
[35] Calendar of Patent Rolls,
Edward I, 1292-1301, p. 98; H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of documents relating to Ireland (5 vols. Kraus-Thomson,
Liechtenstein, 1974), vol. 4 (1293-1301), no. 111
[37] Calendar of Patent Rolls,
Edward I, 1292-1301, p. 412
[38] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar
of documents relating to Ireland (5 vols. Kraus-Thomson, Liechtenstein,
1974), vol. 5 (1302-1307), no. 26
[39] Calendar of Patent Rolls,
Edward II, 1307-1313, p. 99
[40] Calendar of Patent Rolls,
Edward II, 1303-1317, p. 451
[41] Calendar of Patent Rolls, Edward
II, 1317-1321, pp. 134, 139
[42] J.E.E.S. Sharp (ed.), Calendar
of Inquisitions Post Mortem preserved in the Public Record Office (14 vols.
Kraus-Thomson, reprint, 1973), vol. 6, no. 275 (p. 162)
[43] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar
of documents relating to Ireland (5 vols. Kraus-Thomson, Liechtenstein,
1974), vol. 5 (1302-1307), p. 272
[44] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar
of documents relating to Ireland (5 vols. Kraus-Thomson, Liechtenstein,
1974), vol. 5 (1302-1307), p. 292
[45] J.E.E.S. Sharp (ed.), Calendar
of Inquisitions Post Mortem preserved in the Public Record Office (14 vols.
Kraus-Thomson, reprint, 1973), vol. 6, no. 275
[46] Calendar of Patent Rolls,
Edward II, 1317-1321, p. 570
[48] Historical Manuscripts Commission (ed.), Calendar of the Manuscripts of the Dean and Chapter of Wells
(London, 1907), vol. 1, pp. 210, 212
[49] Historical Manuscripts Commission (ed.), Report of the Manuscripts of Wells Cathedral (London, 1885), p. 285
[56] Henry Maxwell Lyte (ed.), ‘Visitation of religious houses and
hospitals, 1526’, in Collectanea, vol. 1
(Somerset Record Society, 1924), edited by Rev. T.F. Palmer, pp. 209, 215-7
[57] Thomas Scott Holmes (ed.), The
Register of Ralph of Shrewsbury, Bishop of Bath and Wells, 1329-1363 (Somerset Record Society, vol. 9, 1896), pp.
153-4
[58] J.E.E.S. Sharp (ed.), Calendar
of Inquisitions Post Mortem preserved in the Public Record Office (14 vols.
Kraus-Thomson, reprint, 1973), vol. 6, no. 275
[59] W.H. Bliss and J.A. Twemlow (eds.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland
(Stationery Office, London, 1902), vol. IV, p. 524
[60] Historical Manuscripts Commission (ed.), Report of the Manuscripts of Wells Cathedral, p. 103
[61] Historical Manuscripts Commission (ed.), Calendar of the Manuscripts of the Dean and Chapter of Wells, vol.
1, p. 238
[64] Thomas Scott Holmes (ed.), The
Register of Ralph of Shrewsbury, Bishop of Bath and Wells, 1329-1363 (Somerset Record Society, vol. 10, 1896), p.
522, no 1930
[67] Calendar of Patent Rolls,
Edward III, 1354-1358, p. 562
[68] Thomas Scott Holmes (ed.), The
Register of Ralph of Shrewsbury, Bishop of Bath and Wells, 1329-1363 (Somerset Record Society, vol. 10, 1896), p.
603-605, 708-709; Calendar of Patent Rolls, Edward III, 1334-1338, p. 227
[69] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar
of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, vol. VII, p. 509
[70] Rev. Michael Moloney (ed.), ‘Obligationes pro annatis diocesis
Limiricensis 1421-1519’, in Archivium
Hibernicum, vol. 10 (1943), p. 110 note 19
[71] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar
of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland (Stationery Office,
London, 1921), vol. XI, pp. 385-6
[74] W.H. Bliss and J.A. Twemlow (eds.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland
(Stationery Office, London, 1904), vol. VI, p. 232
[75] Rev. Michael Moloney (ed.), ‘Obligationes pro annatis diocesis
Limiricensis 1421-1519’, in Archivium
Hibernicum, vol. 10 (1943), p. 117 note 37
[76] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar
of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland (Stationery Office,
London, 1912), vol. IX, p. 534
[77] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar
of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland (Stationery Office,
London, 1915), vol. X, p. 458
[78] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar
of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, vol. X, p. 573
[79] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar
of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, vol. X, p. 574
[80] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar
of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, vol. X, p. 717
[81] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar
of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland (Stationery Office,
London, 1921), vol. XI, pp. 327-9
[82] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar
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345; Ibid, (Stationery Office, London, 1933), vol. XII, pp. 16-7
[83] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar
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327
[84] A.B. Emden, A biographical
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Oxford, 1989), vol. 2, p. 1393
[85] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar
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[86] Time Team, Series one, episode four
[87] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar
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Rev. Michael Moloney (ed.), ‘Obligationes pro annatis diocesis Limiricensis
1421-1519’, in Archivium Hibernicum,
vol. 10 (1943), p. 148 note 104
[88] Michael J. Haren (ed.), Calendar
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Dublin, 1978), vol. XV, no. 886
[89] Rev. Michael Moloney (ed.), ‘Obligationes pro annatis diocesis
Limiricensis 1421-1519’, in Archivium
Hibernicum, vol. 10 (1943), p. 150 note 108
[90] Rev. J. O’Connell (ed.), ‘Obligationes pro annatis diocesis Ardfertensis’,
in Archivium Hibernicum, vol. 21
(1958), p. 48 note 147
[91] Rev. Michael Moloney (ed.), ‘Obligationes pro annatis diocesis
Limiricensis 1421-1519’, in Archivium
Hibernicum, vol. 10 (1943), p. 153 note 118
[92] Wells Episcopal register of Bishop Beckington, folios 92, 149, 200,
207, 227, 229, 244
[93] Rev. W. Rennison, Succession
list of the bishop, Cathedral and Parochial clergy of the dioceses of Waterford
and Lismore (Dublin, 1920), p. 159
[94] Anne P. Fuller (ed.), Calendar
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Dublin, 1986), vol. XVI, nos. 111, 136
[95] Philomena Connolly
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Record Office, London’, in Analecta
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[96] Philomena Connolly
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[97] Gearoid Mac Niocaill (ed.), Crown
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Manuscripts Commission, Dublin, 1992), p. 26
[98] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar
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[101] A.J. Otway-Ruthven, A history of medieval Ireland (Ernest
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[102] Paul Dryburgh &
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[103] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar
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[105] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar
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[106] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar
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[107] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar
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[108] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar
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[109] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar
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[110] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar
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[111] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar
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[112] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar
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[113] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar
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[114] Rev. Michael Moloney (ed.), ‘Obligationes pro annatis diocesis
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[115] Michael J. Haren (ed.), Calendar
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[116] Philomena Connolly
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[117] Rev. F.W. Weaver (ed.), Somerset
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[118] John Rhodes (ed.), A calendar
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[119] Henry Maxwell Lyte (ed.), ‘Visitation of religious houses and
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[120] Philomena Connolly
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[121] Gearoid Mac Niocaill (ed.), Crown
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[122] Edmund Curtis (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds (Stationery
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[123] William Page (ed.) A history of the County of Somerset
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[124] Philomena Connolly
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[125] Philomena Connolly
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[126] Mary O’Dowd (ed.),
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[127] Rev. William H.
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