Edmund Mortimer and the treasurership of York

Edmund Mortimer and the treasurership of York

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

On 13^th November 1263 King Henry III promised to Edmund Mortimer (Mortuo Mari) that he would provide him with an ecclesiastical benefice as soon as one became available.[1] Edmund Mortimer was the second, but eventually first surviving son of Roger Mortimer, Lord of Wigmore.[2]

But before the king could carry out his promise the Battle of Lewis intervened. This battle (14^th May 1264) was part of the ongoing struggle between Simon de Montfort (Monte Forti), Earl of Leicester, and Henry III on who should be the chief advisers of the king; English nobles or nobles from the English areas of France. The King lost the Battle of Lewis and was taken captured by Simon de Montfort.

Henry III and de Montfort claim the treasurership of York

While in captivity Simon de Montfort used the presence of the King to issued letters purporting to be sanctioned and agreed by Henry III. In one such letter, Henry III later recalled, Simon de Montfort affixed the king’s seal to a letter granting the treasury-ship of York to Amaury de Montfort, his son, against the will Henry III.[3]

The treasurer’s position in York cathedral was seen for many years as a rich reward for political favourites. In January 1256 John Mansell was made treasurer of York. John Mansell was a close friend and trusted adviser of King Henry III.[4] John Mansell was also a noted pluralist holding many church positions across the country. In 1262 John Mansell was still treasurer at York.[5] But by 1263 he had fled the country and never returned to England.[6] Simon de Montfort was therefore attempting to change not just the government but the top positions in the church that were still loyal to the king.

On 28^th May 1265 Henry III escaped from his captors, assisted by Roger Mortimer of Wigmore.[7] On 7^th August 1265 King Henry was a Worcester when he addressed a letter to the chapter of York informing them that the king had resumed full power and therefore revoked and annulled the grant made to Amaury de Montfort of the treasury-ship of York.[8]

Edmund becomes Treasurer of York

On 17^th September 1265 Henry III granted the treasurership position to Edmund de Mortimer and the chapter at York were to assign Edmund a stall in the choir and a place in the chapter.[9] Edmund de Mortimer was still a minor in 1265 when made treasurer. In 1282 he was said to be thirty years old and more (born 1252) and in 1301 was said to be forty years or more (born 1261). In 1268 Edmund Mortimer was at Oxford, studying theology at the university, when the constable of the castle was instructed to pay £20 towards Mortimer’s expenses.[10] Presumingly he didn’t get much money from York or the king had desired to endow Edmund Mortimer with special favour. Following his appointment as treasurer there was a protract dispute with Amaury de Montfort of the office and this may help restricted Edmund’s income from York.[11] In 1268 the case was at the Roman curia.[12]

It would appear that Rome had favoured Edmund, or not seriously object to him as in 1270 Edmund Mortimer was still listed as treasurer of York. He was a late teenager at that time. It is presumed that he didn’t do much in the way of actually accounting at York cathedral. The cartulary of the treasurership does not mention his name. The office of treasurer was created in 1218 with the prebend of Newthorp as endowment and the office received further endowments in 1242. Although the treasurership was the least of the four major dignities in York cathedral, the office was the next richest after the deanery. In 1291 it was valued at £233 10s 8d.[13]

York Cathedral 

In 1276 he was living at the king’s houses in Oxford, presumingly still studying at the university.[14] In the 1270s Edmund Mortimer had acquired a canonry and an unnamed prebendary at Hereford which he resigned in 1276 for the prebend of Huntington. By 1282 he had resigned Huntington and acquired the prebend of Hunderton.[15] Edmund Mortimer had also acquired a prebend in the Diocese of Salisbury which he neglected. In 1284 a letter of summons was sent to him by way of his vicar because the cathedral officials didn’t know where Edmund was living.[16]

Edmund become 2^nd lord Wigmore

In 1282 Edmund’s father died and Edmund succeeded to the family estates as 2^nd Baron Wigmore. As the second son, Edmund Mortimer had plans of a clerical career, may be end up as a bishop or archbishop. His elder brother, Ralph Mortimer was the initially heir to the family estates and was one time sheriff of Shropshire and Staffordshire in the area of family influence. But Ralph died before October 1274 and so Edmund became the heir and his clerical career was all but finished.[17] Shortly after succeeding to the family estates Edmund Mortimer resigned the treasurer of York and was succeeded there in 1285 by royal provision, by Bogo de Clare.[18]

Llewelyn ap Gruffurd

A few weeks after succeeding to the family estates Edmund Mortimer successively defeated Llewelyn ap Gruffudd, King of Wales, in an ambush. Llewelyn was separated from his army in the battle near Orewin Bridge and was killed later that day, 11^th December 1282, in a wood near Aberedw.[19] Edmund’s father had first acquired his mortal illness while on campaign against Llewelyn.[20]

Treasurership of York returns

The treasurership of York comes into the story of Llewelyn ap Gruffurd and Edmund Mortimer. After the battle of Evesham in 1265 Amaury de Montfort fled to France and pursued his clerical career there. In 1275 Amaury sailed to Wales with his sister, Eleanor de Montfort as she went to become wife of Llewelyn ap Gruffurd. But they were captured at sea by mercenaries of King Edward I and taken captive. Amaury de Montfort had a difficult imprisonment in Corfu castle until April 1282 when he agreed to never return to England without the invitation of the king, if released.

In 1278 Eleanor de Montfort married Llewelyn and died in child birth in 1282 a few months before her husband was killed. A few years later Amaury de Montfort left the church and became a knight and in 1301 was killed on campaign in Italy.[21]

Edmund Mortimer at Wigmore

In about 1285 Edmund Mortimer married Margaret, daughter of Sir William de Fiennes, second cousin of Queen Eleanor of Castile. Edmund Mortimer engaged himself fully in the administration and military duties of the estates and was called to Parliament on a number of occasions. On 17^th July 1304 Edmund Mortimer died and was buried at Wigmore.[22] He was succeeded by his son Roger Mortimer who in 1328 was created Earl of March.[23]

Edmund Mortimer the son

In the fourteenth century another son of Edmund and Margaret Mortimer, also called Edmund Mortimer, became rector of Hodnet in Shropshire and, as is said, treasurer of York cathedral.[24] Whatever about Hodnet rectory, Edmund’s name does not appear among the treasurers of York in the fourteenth century.[25] It would seem that Edmund the younger is confused with his father in this regard.

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[1] Calendar of Patent Rolls, Henry III, 1258-1266, p. 298

[2] A.B. Emden, A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford (Oxford University Press, 1989), p. 1316

[3] Calendar of Patent Rolls, Henry III, 1258-1266, p. 436

[4] Janet E. Burton (ed.), The Cartulary of the Treasurer of York Minster: And Related Documents (University of York, 1978), p. 27

[5] W.H. Bliss & J.A. Twemlow (eds.), Calendar of Papal Registers, volume V, 1398-1404 (Stationery Office, London, 1904), p. 383

[6] Janet E. Burton (ed.), The Cartulary of the Treasurer of York Minster: And Related Documents, p. 27

[7] Thomas F. Tout, ‘Mortimer, Roger’, in Dictionary of National Biography, Vo. 39, p. 133

[8] Calendar of Patent Rolls, Henry III, 1258-1266, p. 436

[9] A.B. Emden, A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford, p. 1316

[10] A.B. Emden, A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford, p. 1316

[11] G.E. Cockeye, The Complete Peerage (Alan Sutton, Gloucester, 1987), vol. IX, p. 281, note (f)

[12] Diana E. Greenway (ed.), Fasti Ecclesiae Anglicanae 1066-1300: Volume 6, York (London, 1999), p. 25

[13] Janet E. Burton (ed.), The Cartulary of the Treasurer of York Minster: And Related Documents, pp. v, 91

[14] A.B. Emden, A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford, p. 1316

[15] J.S. Barrow (ed.), Fasti Ecclesiae Anglicanae 1066-1300: Volume 8, Hereford (London, 2002), pp. 43, 44, 159

[16] Diana E. Greenway (ed.), Fasti Ecclesiae Anglicanae 1066-1300: Volume 4, Salisbury (London, 1991), p. 84

[17] G.E. Cockeye, The Complete Peerage, vol. IX, p. 281

[18] Diana E. Greenway (ed.), Fasti Ecclesiae Anglicanae 1066-1300: Volume 6, York (London, 1999), p. 109

[19] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Llywelyn_ap_Gruffudd accessed on 15 May 2016

[20] Thomas F. Tout, ‘Mortimer, Roger’, in Dictionary of National Biography, Vo. 39, p. 134

[21] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Amaury_de_Montfort,_Canon_of_York accessed on 15 May 2016

[22] A.B. Emden, A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford, p. 1316

[23] G.E. Cockeye, The Complete Peerage, vol. VIII, p. 433

[24] http://whipplephoto.com/Genealogy/getperson.php?personID=I9541&tree=tree1 accessed on 15 May 2016

[25] B. Jones (ed.), Fasti Ecclesiae Anglicanae 1300-1541: Volume 6, Northern Province (London, 1963), pp. 12-15

The tragic story of Thomas Duffield, merchant of York

The tragic story of Thomas Duffield, merchant of York

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

Much of my medieval history is concerned with Ireland and the West Country of England. It is from these places that much of my source material is sourced from and a historian needs his or her sources to help recreate the past and understand its story. Yet while doing research on the town of Bridgwater in Somerset among the record books known as the Inquisitions Post Mortem I came across as series of entries concerning Thomas Duffield of York and his family which struck something of the human touch inside me (there was also a Thomas Duffield in Bridgwater c.1380). Apparently, it seems I have a human touch – which could have been worst – I could have had a Midas touch and then could not eat those lovely sultana buns they have in the local shop as they would turn to gold before reaching the pleasures of the mouth.

But what dear Reader, could have created this soft side of my character in the life of a merchant living in York in the time of King Henry VI? Well, it has to do more with the death of Thomas Duffield more so than his life. Thomas Duffield died on 10^th March 1429 leaving a widow, Elizabeth, and two daughters, Margaret and Elizabeth. An inquisition into his property in the city of York was taken on 22^nd March 1429.

This inquisition found that Thomas Duffield held 21 messuages of the king in burgage within the city. These were valued at 72 shillings 8 pence per year. The location and value per year of these 21 messuages are given in Appendix One below. A messuage is usually defined as a house and garden. Thomas Duffield also held a further 25 messuages (valued at 64 shillings 4 pence) in burgage tenure in York and five tenements at Aldwick valued at 15 shillings (see Appendix One).[1]

A medieval street in York where Thomas Duffield could have walked

Many years later, on 17^th June 1338, another inquisition post mortem, taken at Bedale found that Thomas Duffield held further property at Skelton. This property is described in Appendix Three below.[2] Another inquisition relating to the Skelton property was taken on 4^th November 1438 which gave much the same details as the June inquisition.[3]

The early history of Thomas Duffield is unknown to this author. It is possible that our Thomas Duffield, merchant, was the same person called Thomas Dreffeld, mercer, who was admitted to the freedom of York in 1361. A mercer is usually defined as a person dealing in textiles.[4] Our Thomas Duffield could also be the Thomas son of John Duffield who in 1409-10 was admitted to the freedom of York.[5]   

As said, Thomas Duffield, merchant, died on 10^th March 1429 under unknown circumstances. Was it a sudden death or the result of a long illness? This is, as yet, unknown. What is known is that the death did bring great sadness on the Duffield household after a time of great celebrations. Only two days before Thomas Duffield died, his wife Elizabeth gave birth to a daughter on 8^th March 1429 who they called Elizabeth Duffield.

Medieval birth was always a dangerous time, for mother and baby alike, but it seems that both were well on that day. Thomas and Elizabeth Duffield had another daughter called Margaret who was born about September 1422. There may have been other children born to Thomas and Elizabeth but they did not survive to adulthood. Unfortunately, for the Duffield household, young Elizabeth Duffield did not survive to adulthood either.

Ill health complications affected baby Elizabeth and she quickly went downhill. On 21^st March 1429, just eleven days after her father died, baby Elizabeth Duffield died.[6] The joy and happiness which filled young Margaret Duffield at having a younger sister now was turned to sadness.

For Elizabeth Duffield the death within days of her husband and baby daughter after the joy of a successful birth must have been devastating. The health of poor Elizabeth Duffield broke under the weight of the loss and she became sicker as the days passed. On 23^rd May 1429, Elizabeth Duffield died leaving her daughter Margaret Duffield without any family. Such was the speed of her death that an inquisition held in York on 28^th June 1429 found that Elizabeth Duffield had no time to acquire any lands or tenements from her husband as her dower lands.[7] Instead all the lands and tenements of her husband Thomas Duffield fell to the king. 

The king had first taken control of the lands and tenements of Thomas Duffield following his death when his children were taken into wardship. Young baby Elizabeth Duffield was entitled to half the property with her sister Margaret Duffield having the other half but her early death meant that all the property passed to the inheritance of Margaret. As Margaret Duffield was only six and half years old when all her family died in 1429, and thus a minor, her care fell to the king.

The lands and tenements stayed with the king until 1338/1339. Beginning in November 1338 a series on inquisitions was held into the Duffield property in York and Skelton.[8] The description of the property in York differs somewhat from that given in 1429 as messuages became tenements (see Appendix Two). This city property was worth 30 shillings 8 pence. This same property was worth 152 shillings in 1429 – so much for royal care.

In December 1339 the king ordered the escheator of Yorkshire to take the fealty of Margaret Duffield.[9] I have no record of Margaret Duffield after 1339 but hopefully she had a good and long life after the early loss of her family.

Appendix One

The 21 messuages of Thomas Duffield in York held of the king

St. Andrew Gate = one messuage = 20 shillings

St. Andrew’s Church, in the churchyard = 3 messuages = 2 shillings each = total 6 shillings

Same place as above = 3 messuages = 4 shillings each = 12 shillings

Same place as above = one messuage = 3 shillings

Same place as above = 2 messuages = 3 shillings = total 6 shillings

St. Andrew’s Church, in the vennel (public lane way between the gable of two houses) below the churchyard = 4 messuages = 2 shillings each = total 8 shillings

Same place as above = 2 messuages = 2 shillings 6 pence = total 5 shillings

Same place as above = one messuage = 2 shillings 8 pence

Peaseholme = 4 messuages = 2 shillings each = total 8 shillings

The 25 messuages in burgage with gardens in York held by Thomas Duffield in 1429

Little St. Andrew Gate = 8 messuages together on the east side = 2 shillings each = total 16 shillings

Little St. Andrew Gate in the vennel on the eastern side = 4 messuages = 18 pence each = total 6 shillings

Same place as above = one messuage = 12 pence

Same place as above = one messuage = 16 pence

Same place as above = one garden = 8 pence

Little St. Andrew Gate on the western side = on tenement = 4 shillings

Same place as above = one tenement = 5 shillings

Same place as above = one tenement = 6 shillings

Same place as above = one tenement = 20 pence

Same place as above = 4 tenement = 2 shillings each = total 8 shillings

Same place as above = 2 tenement = 16 pence each = 2 shillings 8 pence

Lower Ouse Gate = one tenement = 14 shillings

Tenements at Aldwick

At Aldwark Thomas Duffield held 5 tenements worth 3 shillings each = total 15 shillings at the time of his death.[10]

Appendix Two

Duffield property in the city of York as described in 1439[11]

St. Saviour Gate = one tenement = value 8 shillings per year

Ouse Gate = one tenement = value 10 shillings

Peaseholme = 4 small tenements under one roof = value 12 pence each

Aldwick = 5 small tenements under one roof = 12 pence each

Little St. Andrew Gate = 5 tenements under one roof = value 18 pence each

Same place = 7 tenements under one roof = value 12 pence each

Garth Lane = 3 small tenements under one roof = value 8 pence each

Same place = 3 other small tenements under one roof = value 8 pence each

Same place = small garden = 10 pence

St. Andrew’s Churchyard = 5 small tenements under one roof = value 18 pence each

Same place – on each side of a lane = 7 small tenements built under one roof = value 10 pence each    

Appendix Three

Property of Thomas Duffield at Skelton, Yorkshire[12]

A close called Portburn with 10 acres of land – value 2 shillings – held of the king for 10 shillings per year

A wood called Hordhirn & 200 acres pasture – value 2 shillings – held of the king by one sixth of a knight’s fee

A field called Halefeld containing 3 bovates – value 4 shillings – held of the abbot of St. Mary’s York and rendering 5 shillings per year in services

A capital messuage with 3 small buildings and 4 bovates (of arable in 1438) and three closes containing a bovate each – value 14 shillings – held of Joan, Countess of Westmoreland

A bovate was defined as about fifteen acres.

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[1] Claire Noble (ed.), Calendar of inquisitions post mortem preserved in the Public Record Office, Vol. XXIII, 6 to 10 Henry VI, 1427-1432 (Boydell Press & National Archives, 2004), no. 200

[2] Claire Noble (ed.), Calendar of inquisitions post mortem preserved in the Public Record Office, Vol. XXV, 16 to 20 Henry VI, 1437-1442 (Boydell Press & National Archives, 2009), no. 48

[3] Claire Noble (ed.), Calendar of inquisitions post mortem, Vol. XXV, 16 to 20 Henry VI, 1437-1442, no. 179

[4] http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=50493&strquery=Thomas%20Duffeld accessed on 21 June 2014

[5] http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=48267&strquery=Thomas+Duffeld accessed on 21 June 2014

[6] Claire Noble (ed.), Calendar of inquisitions post mortem, Vol. XXV, 16 to 20 Henry VI, 1437-1442, no. 48

[7] Claire Noble (ed.), Calendar of inquisitions post mortem, Vol. XXIII, 6 to 10 Henry VI, 1427-1432, no. 199

[8] Claire Noble (ed.), Calendar of inquisitions post mortem, Vol. XXV, 16 to 20 Henry VI, 1437-1442, nos. 178-182

[9] Calendar Close Rolls, Henry VI, 1339-1340

[10] Claire Noble (ed.), Calendar of inquisitions post mortem, Vol. XXIII, 6 to 10 Henry VI, 1427-1432, no. 200

[11] Claire Noble (ed.), Calendar of inquisitions post mortem, Vol. XXV, 16 to 20 Henry VI, 1437-1442, no. 178

[12] Claire Noble (ed.), Calendar of inquisitions post mortem, Vol. XXV, 16 to 20 Henry VI, 1437-1442, no. 48