Road through the Jewish cemetery in Oxford

Road through the Jewish cemetery in Oxford

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

Before 1180 it seems that the Jews of Oxford had no burial ground in or near the city. Instead the dead were taken to London for burial. In the saintly works of St. Frideswide it is recorded that a Jew used offensive words against the saint. In 1180 this Jew died and was taken to London for burial but the cart broke down and the corpse fell out.[1] 

It is not recorded when after 1180 that the Jewish community acquired a garden outside the East Gate of Oxford for a cemetery.[2] The site was formerly a water meadow by the Cherwell River.[3] The 1180s and 1190s were not good times for Jews living in England. In March 1190 some 150 Jews living in York sought protection in the royal castle from a blood thirsty mob. Instead of renouncing their faith, the Jews decided to kill each other and go to a more peaceful place. Many more Jews were killed in the streets of York and some Jews, who did surrender in the castle on peace terms, were later killed by the mob. The York massacre was part of a series of attacks upon the Jews of England since the coronation of King Richard in September 1189. There were a number of reasons for the attacks on the Jews. The country was going on crusade and the Jews were seen as an enemy within. The king was also pressurising the Jews for money and in turn the Jews wanted their debtors to pay up. In this regard many of the records in York Minster of debts to the Jews were destroyed after the massacre.[4]

The proclamation of peace and protection, issued by King Richard for the Jews, was ignored in many parts of the country and life for the Jews continued to be in peril. By the mid-1190s the crown had implemented special protection for the Jewish community and their number began to recover.[5] But crown protection didn’t protect the Jewish community from the crown itself. During the reign of King John the Jews of Bristol were seized and Isaac of Canterbury was hanged. Isaac’s sons had to wait until 1223 for restoration of Isaac’s property in Canterbury.[6]

The Jewish community in Oxford were not all local people. Outsiders like Copin the Jew of Worcester had property in Oxford over a number of years from 1210 to 1227 and Moses the Jew of Bristol held property around 1210 in Oxford.[7]

Meanwhile the Jewish cemetery outside the East Gate continued to be used by the community until at least the 1220s. On 5^th May 1231, King Henry III granted the garden, alias cemetery, outside the East Gate to the master and brethren of the Hospital of St. John to erect their new hospital. This garden was described as formerly owned by the Jews community as their burial plot. The grant of the cemetery site reserved the Hospital to find a suitable plot outside the garden for the burial of dead Jews. It seems that King Henry gave the cemetery as a gift to the Hospital of St. John as the grant used the word concessit (gave up) in the wording.[8]

When the King granted the King’s mill to the Hospital in July 1231 the Jewish garden was to be used for rebuilding the Hospital and a new burial ground for the Jews was to be near the garden.[9] The Hospital of St. John was previously located beside the church of St. Peter and it would appear that its early sources of funding dried up and the grant of 1231 was part of a re-foundation of the Hospital. It is not clear how King Henry came to acquire the Jewish cemetery. There was some anti-Jewish feeling in the country at the time. in July 1234 the people of Newcastle upon Tyne paid the king 100marks to have licence to allow no Jew to live within the town or set up residence.[10] The king may have got the cemetery in return for cancelling Jewish debts owed by the crown.

The site of the Jewish cemetery in Oxford - now a garden 

(photographer unknown) 

The new site for the Hospital was on the north side of the road while the Jews retained an area measuring 300 feet by about 80 or 90 feet on the south side.[11] The road mentioned was from East Gate to East Bridge and passed through what was formerly the garden of the Jewish burial ground. This road through the Jewish cemetery was not made to single out the Jews. Other cemeteries in Oxford also had roads running through the middle of them such as the cemeteries of St. Peter in the East and St. Mildred’s.[12] Medieval cemeteries didn’t enjoy the same reservation of space as in modern times. John de Farendone had grazing rights of grass and pasture in the cemetery belonging to the Hospital on the north of the road.[13] Elsewhere, in 1259 William de Dene kept his winter wheat within the cemetery of Dean (in the Forest of Dean, Gloucestershire) in the custody of his executors.^[14]

In 1279 the cemetery on the south side of the road was still used by the Jewish community but not for too long more. After the attacks on the Jews in the reign of King Richard, a separate royal court of justice was established to regulate Jewish loans while continuing to allow access to the ordinary courts.[15] In April 1286 letters patent were issued to allow the Chancellor of Oxford University to try cases between Jews and Oxford clerks.[16] The move away from exclusive royal protection was a sign of things to come. On 18^th July 1290 King Edward issued the Edict of Expulsion of all Jews from England. The Edict forced the Jews of England to leave the country while the crown, then deeply in debt, seized their property to pay debts and fund wars in Scotland and France.[17] There was also a local rejection of the Jewish community around that time. In June 1290 Henne, wife of James of Oxford, a Jew, was accused of forging the seal of Oseney abbey in favour of Jewish property.[18]

Meanwhile in 1245 the Pope, on the request of the King, commanded the Bishop of Lincoln to provide a cemetery for the Hospital. Previously brethren and patients were buried in the churchyard of St. Peter in the East. The church of St. Peter was to be compensated for loss of burial income fees. In the 1290s the Hospital acquired the Jewish cemetery on the south side of the road, opposite the Hospital for the use of the Hospital as their own burial ground.[19] The Jewish cemetery had also became the property of the crown after the Edict of Expulsion. It is not clear if the Hospital had to pay the crown for the cemetery or if they got it as a gift, like they did in 1231 for the old Jewish cemetery north of the road. Thus the Hospital eventually occupied the entire Jewish cemetery in Oxford with the public road running through it.

Elsewhere in Oxford, William Burnel acquired a number of former Jewish properties from the crown including the Synagogue. In 1304 Burnel willed the Synagogue to Balliol College with other property including former Jewish property like the tenement belonging to Argalicia, the Jewess. In 1314 Balliol acquired full title to the Synagogue.[20]

It was only in the 1650s, during the Commonwealth under Oliver Cromwell, that Jews were allowed to resettle in England. By that time the Jewish cemetery in Oxford was long gone and the abode of the dead was built over by houses for the living. The site of the Jewish cemetery is today (2018) occupied by Magdalene College and the Botanic Gardens and a small tablet marks the former cemetery.[21]

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[1] Salter, Rev. H.E. (ed.), A cartulary of the Hospital of St. John the Baptist (Oxford Historical Society, 1917), Vol. III, p. xv

[2] Salter (ed.), A cartulary of the Hospital of St. John the Baptist, Vol. III, p. xv; https://www.oxfordjewishheritage.co.uk/projects/botanic-gardens-first-jewish-cemetery [accessed on 24 December 2018]. Some sources say that it was after 1177 that the Jews acquired a cemetery.

[3] https://www.oxfordjewishheritage.co.uk/projects/botanic-gardens-first-jewish-cemetery [accessed on 24 December 2018]

[4] Watt, J.A., ‘The Crusades and the Persecution of the Jews’, in Linehan, P. & Nelson, J.L. (eds.), The Medieval World (London, 2004), pp. 146-162, at pp. 155, 156, 157

[5] Watt, J.A., ‘The Crusades and the Persecution of the Jews’, pp. 146-162, at pp. 158, 160

[6] Dryburgh, P., & Hartland, B. (eds.), Calendar of the fine rolls of the reign of Henry III, Volume 1, 1 to 8 Henry III, 1216-1224 (Woodbridge, 2007), no. 7/183

[7] Wigram, Rev. S.R. (ed.), The Cartulary of the Monastery of St. Frideswide at Oxford (2 vols. Oxford Historical Society, 1895 & 1896), Vol. 1, pp. 197, 208, 209

[8] Salter (ed.), A cartulary of the Hospital of St. John the Baptist, Vol. III, p. xiv

[9] Salter (ed.), A cartulary of the Hospital of St. John the Baptist, Vol. III, p. xiv

[10] Dryburgh, P., & Hartland, B. (eds.), Calendar of the fine rolls of the reign of Henry III, Volume II, 9 to 18 Henry III, 1224-1234 (Woodbridge, 2008), no. 18/245

[11] Salter (ed.), A cartulary of the Hospital of St. John the Baptist, Vol. III, p. xv

[12] Salter (ed.), A cartulary of the Hospital of St. John the Baptist, Vol. III, p. xlvii

[13] Salter, Rev. H.E. (ed.), A cartulary of the Hospital of St. John the Baptist (Oxford Historical Society, 1914), Vol. 1, pp. 38, 39

[14] Madge, S.J. (ed.), Abstracts of Inquisitions Post Mortem for Gloucestershire, part IV, 1236-1300 (British Record Society, 1903), p. 24

[15] Watt, J.A., ‘The Crusades and the Persecution of the Jews’, pp. 146-162, at p. 160

[16] Salter, Rev. H.E. (ed.), Mediaeval archives of the University of Oxford (Oxford Historical Society, 1920), Vol. 1, p. 40

[17] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Edict_of_Expulsion [accessed on 24th December 2018]

[18] Salter, Rev. H.E. (ed.), Cartulary of Oseney Abbey (Oxford Historical Society, 1931), Vol. III, p. 89

[19] Salter (ed.), A cartulary of the Hospital of St. John the Baptist, Vol. III, pp. xxii, xxiii

[20] Salter, Rev. H.E. (ed.), The Oxford deeds of Balliol College (Oxford Historical Society, 1913), pp. 91, 92, 93

[21] https://www.oxfordjewishheritage.co.uk/projects/botanic-gardens-first-jewish-cemetery [accessed on 24 December 2018]

Edmund Mortimer and the treasurership of York

Edmund Mortimer and the treasurership of York

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

On 13^th November 1263 King Henry III promised to Edmund Mortimer (Mortuo Mari) that he would provide him with an ecclesiastical benefice as soon as one became available.[1] Edmund Mortimer was the second, but eventually first surviving son of Roger Mortimer, Lord of Wigmore.[2]

But before the king could carry out his promise the Battle of Lewis intervened. This battle (14^th May 1264) was part of the ongoing struggle between Simon de Montfort (Monte Forti), Earl of Leicester, and Henry III on who should be the chief advisers of the king; English nobles or nobles from the English areas of France. The King lost the Battle of Lewis and was taken captured by Simon de Montfort.

Henry III and de Montfort claim the treasurership of York

While in captivity Simon de Montfort used the presence of the King to issued letters purporting to be sanctioned and agreed by Henry III. In one such letter, Henry III later recalled, Simon de Montfort affixed the king’s seal to a letter granting the treasury-ship of York to Amaury de Montfort, his son, against the will Henry III.[3]

The treasurer’s position in York cathedral was seen for many years as a rich reward for political favourites. In January 1256 John Mansell was made treasurer of York. John Mansell was a close friend and trusted adviser of King Henry III.[4] John Mansell was also a noted pluralist holding many church positions across the country. In 1262 John Mansell was still treasurer at York.[5] But by 1263 he had fled the country and never returned to England.[6] Simon de Montfort was therefore attempting to change not just the government but the top positions in the church that were still loyal to the king.

On 28^th May 1265 Henry III escaped from his captors, assisted by Roger Mortimer of Wigmore.[7] On 7^th August 1265 King Henry was a Worcester when he addressed a letter to the chapter of York informing them that the king had resumed full power and therefore revoked and annulled the grant made to Amaury de Montfort of the treasury-ship of York.[8]

Edmund becomes Treasurer of York

On 17^th September 1265 Henry III granted the treasurership position to Edmund de Mortimer and the chapter at York were to assign Edmund a stall in the choir and a place in the chapter.[9] Edmund de Mortimer was still a minor in 1265 when made treasurer. In 1282 he was said to be thirty years old and more (born 1252) and in 1301 was said to be forty years or more (born 1261). In 1268 Edmund Mortimer was at Oxford, studying theology at the university, when the constable of the castle was instructed to pay £20 towards Mortimer’s expenses.[10] Presumingly he didn’t get much money from York or the king had desired to endow Edmund Mortimer with special favour. Following his appointment as treasurer there was a protract dispute with Amaury de Montfort of the office and this may help restricted Edmund’s income from York.[11] In 1268 the case was at the Roman curia.[12]

It would appear that Rome had favoured Edmund, or not seriously object to him as in 1270 Edmund Mortimer was still listed as treasurer of York. He was a late teenager at that time. It is presumed that he didn’t do much in the way of actually accounting at York cathedral. The cartulary of the treasurership does not mention his name. The office of treasurer was created in 1218 with the prebend of Newthorp as endowment and the office received further endowments in 1242. Although the treasurership was the least of the four major dignities in York cathedral, the office was the next richest after the deanery. In 1291 it was valued at £233 10s 8d.[13]

York Cathedral 

In 1276 he was living at the king’s houses in Oxford, presumingly still studying at the university.[14] In the 1270s Edmund Mortimer had acquired a canonry and an unnamed prebendary at Hereford which he resigned in 1276 for the prebend of Huntington. By 1282 he had resigned Huntington and acquired the prebend of Hunderton.[15] Edmund Mortimer had also acquired a prebend in the Diocese of Salisbury which he neglected. In 1284 a letter of summons was sent to him by way of his vicar because the cathedral officials didn’t know where Edmund was living.[16]

Edmund become 2^nd lord Wigmore

In 1282 Edmund’s father died and Edmund succeeded to the family estates as 2^nd Baron Wigmore. As the second son, Edmund Mortimer had plans of a clerical career, may be end up as a bishop or archbishop. His elder brother, Ralph Mortimer was the initially heir to the family estates and was one time sheriff of Shropshire and Staffordshire in the area of family influence. But Ralph died before October 1274 and so Edmund became the heir and his clerical career was all but finished.[17] Shortly after succeeding to the family estates Edmund Mortimer resigned the treasurer of York and was succeeded there in 1285 by royal provision, by Bogo de Clare.[18]

Llewelyn ap Gruffurd

A few weeks after succeeding to the family estates Edmund Mortimer successively defeated Llewelyn ap Gruffudd, King of Wales, in an ambush. Llewelyn was separated from his army in the battle near Orewin Bridge and was killed later that day, 11^th December 1282, in a wood near Aberedw.[19] Edmund’s father had first acquired his mortal illness while on campaign against Llewelyn.[20]

Treasurership of York returns

The treasurership of York comes into the story of Llewelyn ap Gruffurd and Edmund Mortimer. After the battle of Evesham in 1265 Amaury de Montfort fled to France and pursued his clerical career there. In 1275 Amaury sailed to Wales with his sister, Eleanor de Montfort as she went to become wife of Llewelyn ap Gruffurd. But they were captured at sea by mercenaries of King Edward I and taken captive. Amaury de Montfort had a difficult imprisonment in Corfu castle until April 1282 when he agreed to never return to England without the invitation of the king, if released.

In 1278 Eleanor de Montfort married Llewelyn and died in child birth in 1282 a few months before her husband was killed. A few years later Amaury de Montfort left the church and became a knight and in 1301 was killed on campaign in Italy.[21]

Edmund Mortimer at Wigmore

In about 1285 Edmund Mortimer married Margaret, daughter of Sir William de Fiennes, second cousin of Queen Eleanor of Castile. Edmund Mortimer engaged himself fully in the administration and military duties of the estates and was called to Parliament on a number of occasions. On 17^th July 1304 Edmund Mortimer died and was buried at Wigmore.[22] He was succeeded by his son Roger Mortimer who in 1328 was created Earl of March.[23]

Edmund Mortimer the son

In the fourteenth century another son of Edmund and Margaret Mortimer, also called Edmund Mortimer, became rector of Hodnet in Shropshire and, as is said, treasurer of York cathedral.[24] Whatever about Hodnet rectory, Edmund’s name does not appear among the treasurers of York in the fourteenth century.[25] It would seem that Edmund the younger is confused with his father in this regard.

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[1] Calendar of Patent Rolls, Henry III, 1258-1266, p. 298

[2] A.B. Emden, A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford (Oxford University Press, 1989), p. 1316

[3] Calendar of Patent Rolls, Henry III, 1258-1266, p. 436

[4] Janet E. Burton (ed.), The Cartulary of the Treasurer of York Minster: And Related Documents (University of York, 1978), p. 27

[5] W.H. Bliss & J.A. Twemlow (eds.), Calendar of Papal Registers, volume V, 1398-1404 (Stationery Office, London, 1904), p. 383

[6] Janet E. Burton (ed.), The Cartulary of the Treasurer of York Minster: And Related Documents, p. 27

[7] Thomas F. Tout, ‘Mortimer, Roger’, in Dictionary of National Biography, Vo. 39, p. 133

[8] Calendar of Patent Rolls, Henry III, 1258-1266, p. 436

[9] A.B. Emden, A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford, p. 1316

[10] A.B. Emden, A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford, p. 1316

[11] G.E. Cockeye, The Complete Peerage (Alan Sutton, Gloucester, 1987), vol. IX, p. 281, note (f)

[12] Diana E. Greenway (ed.), Fasti Ecclesiae Anglicanae 1066-1300: Volume 6, York (London, 1999), p. 25

[13] Janet E. Burton (ed.), The Cartulary of the Treasurer of York Minster: And Related Documents, pp. v, 91

[14] A.B. Emden, A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford, p. 1316

[15] J.S. Barrow (ed.), Fasti Ecclesiae Anglicanae 1066-1300: Volume 8, Hereford (London, 2002), pp. 43, 44, 159

[16] Diana E. Greenway (ed.), Fasti Ecclesiae Anglicanae 1066-1300: Volume 4, Salisbury (London, 1991), p. 84

[17] G.E. Cockeye, The Complete Peerage, vol. IX, p. 281

[18] Diana E. Greenway (ed.), Fasti Ecclesiae Anglicanae 1066-1300: Volume 6, York (London, 1999), p. 109

[19] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Llywelyn_ap_Gruffudd accessed on 15 May 2016

[20] Thomas F. Tout, ‘Mortimer, Roger’, in Dictionary of National Biography, Vo. 39, p. 134

[21] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Amaury_de_Montfort,_Canon_of_York accessed on 15 May 2016

[22] A.B. Emden, A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford, p. 1316

[23] G.E. Cockeye, The Complete Peerage, vol. VIII, p. 433

[24] http://whipplephoto.com/Genealogy/getperson.php?personID=I9541&tree=tree1 accessed on 15 May 2016

[25] B. Jones (ed.), Fasti Ecclesiae Anglicanae 1300-1541: Volume 6, Northern Province (London, 1963), pp. 12-15

Walter Jorz, Archbishop of Armagh

Walter Jorz, Archbishop of Armagh

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

Early references to Walter Jorz

Walter Jorz (also written as Jorc or Joyce) was a member of the Dominican Order around the year 1300 and was a brother of Thomas Jorz, Prior Provincial of the Order in England, 1297-1304.[1] Walter was also a kinsman of Rowland Jorz, his successor as Archbishop of Armagh. It is not known where the Jorz brothers came from.

In 1300 and 1301 Walter Jorz was a member of the Oxford Convent. As the Dominican Order was dedicated to study as a means of achieving salvation for the soul Walter’s attendance at Oxford is not out of place.[2] On 12^th October 1300 he was granted a licence by Bishop Dalderby to hear confessions in the Diocese of Lincoln. This licence was renewed on 11^th October 1301.[3]

Archbishop of Armagh

On 6^th August 1307 Walter Jorz was appointed Archbishop of Armagh by papal provision after a protracted vacancy in the see. He was the third member of the Dominican Order to be so appointed.[4] The last Archbishop of Armagh was Nicholas Mac Maol Íosa (1270-1303). In August 1303 Michael McLaughlin was elected Archbishop but was never consecrated. In 1303 or 1304 Dionysius was appointed Archbishop but again was never consecrated. He was followed by John Taaffe who was appointed in 1306 but died before 6^th August 1307 when Walter Jorz was appointed.[5]  

Walter Jorz was in France at the time of his appointment and was consecrated there, possibly at Poitiers, by Nicholas, cardinal bishop of Ostia. The papal letter of appointed provided for this and that Walter would receive the pallium from Landulph, cardinal of St. Angelo’s.[6] Shortly after his arrival in England, Archbishop Walter Jorz received a fine from King Edward II of £1,000. This was because the papal bull of appointment contained words which the king considered prejudicial to the rights and dignity of the crown. King Edward wanted to be the authority for appointing bishops while he wanted the Pope to just recommend people for episcopal vacancies.[7] Archbishop Walter Jorz made peace with the king, acknowledging that his papal appointment contained no words prejudicial to the king and paid the £1,000 fine. It was the payment of this fine which satisfied King Edward and allowed him to accept Walter Jorz as archbishop and not because of any papal letters.

Armagh Cathedral 

Or at least that is the reasoning King Edward gave to the justiciar of Ireland when he ordered the temporalities of Armagh to be restored to Archbishop Walter Jorz on 30^th September 1307.[8] The escheator of Ireland, Walter de la Haye, accounted for £268 18 shillings 1¼ pence income from the temporalities between the 34^th year of Edward I and the first year of Edward II.[9] With such a moderate income Archbishop Walter Jorz must have been overjoyed with delight on 21^st September to hear the news that King Edward decided to return the £1,000.[10] Archbishop Walter Jorz was able to pay the initial £1,000 because he had receive papal approval to raise a loan of 4,000 florins to help pay his expenses.[11]  

Archbishop Walter in England

But the new archbishop was in no hurry to go to Ireland. Instead on 18^th October 1307 Archbishop Walter Jorz was granted protection for three years while he stayed in England. To represent his interests in Ireland Archbishop Walter Jorz nominated John de Bernak, parson of Toft, Co. Norfolk, and William de Burgo. As John de Bernak was living in England he in turn had to nominate Simon de Bernak to represent his interests in England while he stayed in Ireland. The letters of legal protection for John de Bernak were for only two years.[12]

It would seem that Archbishop Walter Jorz did not stay forever in England but came to Ireland at least once and may be twice. While Archbishop Walter Jorz was in England, King Edward II took advantage to appoint people to positions in the absent diocese. On 15^th April 1308 Edward II granted to Master William de Birton, king’s clerk, the archdeaconry of Armagh because it was in the king’s gift by reason of the late voidance of the see. Archbishop Walter was directed to secure the appointment.[13] Archbishop Walter would be more of the opinion that such appointments were his to make and not for the king to decide. Nicholas Mac Maol Íosa, Archbishop of Armagh (1272-1303) had fought the crown for much of his episcopal over matters of jurisdiction and rights. His English successors fought to retain those rights.[14]

One group who were losing their rights at that time were the Knights Templars. In August 1308 Archbishop Walter Jorz along with the Archbishops of Canterbury, York, Dublin, Cashel and Tuam received a letter from the pope for the publication of the papal bull ordering the Templars to restore their property to the original benefactors.[15] This papal bull was later changed to allow national governments to take control of the Templar’s property in trust. Eventually the Templar property was given to the Knights Hospitaller.  

Archbishop Walter visits Ireland

Sometime before June 1309 Archbishop Walter Jorz travelled to Ireland to see his archdiocese. On 11^th June 1309 Archbishop Walter nominated Thomas de Thorp and Walter de Shepwesse to be his attorneys in England for the following two years.[16]

The archdiocese of Armagh embraced two distinct areas of political control. Much of the archdiocese lay within the Irish sphere of influence and was for much of the medieval period off limits to various Archbishops of Armagh. The English sphere of influence contained the counties of Louth and Meath. Most archbishops stayed at Termonfeckin in County Louth and used St. Peter’s church in Drogheda as their cathedral church. Tensions between the two races sometimes erupted into the public gaze. In 1297 the Bishops of Armagh and Down were accused of refusing to receive English clerics.[17]

View of Armagh in c.1601 from the Thomas Barthelet map

Llanthony and St. Peter’s church at Drogheda

Archbishop Walter Jorz did not support this separation between the Irish and the English. Indeed the Dominican Order in Ireland was noted for its mixed convents.[18] By September 1309 he was at the proper primatial cathedral at Armagh. While at Armagh Archbishop Walter reduced the financial contribution of Llanthony Prima towards the up keep of the vicar of St. Peter’s Church at Drogheda from thirty marks of silver to fifteen marks. He also stated that the vicar should be resident and have cure of the souls of the parishioners or find a suitable priest or chaplain to do the job. Any extra burdens on the vicars were to be paid directly by Llanthony.[19]  

The papal tenths

After his visit to Ireland Archbishop Walter Jorz returned to England by March 1310. In the first decade of the fourteenth century four papal bulls were issued relating to the imposition and levying of the biennial and triennial tenths in England, Scotland, Wales and Ireland. The Irish clergy refused pays these tenths before they inspected the bulls. On 24^th March 1310 Archbishop Walter Jorz was at the Friars Preachers in London to place his seal on a public instrument which contained a verbatim text of the four bulls. This document along with a letter of instruction by the Bishops of Lincoln and London were sent to Ireland in March 1311 by the hand of James de Spinis, merchant of the Society of the Spini of Florence.[20]

Statute of Kilkenny in 1310

By May 1310 Archbishop Walter Jorz was back in Ireland. The Archbishop had a number of jobs to do while in Ireland. The previously mention issue about non-payment of the tenths was one issue but the actions of the Kilkenny Parliament in February 1310 was just as important an issue. One of the acts passed by the Parliament was a statute which made it unlawful for all religious houses and parishes within the English sphere of influence to have any member save English members. The houses within the English area were also forbidden to profess or receive any Irish religious monks, canons or friars. Strong penalties were to be applied to any who broke this statute.

The background to this statute contained a number of violent incidents. At a general chapter of the Franciscans in 1291 violence erupted between the English and Irish friars in which about sixteen people were killed. About the same time Bishop Nicholas of Kildare complained to King Edward I the some friars were in seditious correspondence with Irish rulers.[21] See more about Bishop Nicholas of Kildare in this article = http://celtic2realms-medievalnews.blogspot.ie/2013/10/nicholas-cusack-bishop-of-kildare-1279.html

This statute was chiefly promoted by several bishops including the Archbishop of Cashel and the Bishops of Ferns, Ossory, Leighlin and Emly who directed that anyone who broke the statute would be excommunicated. When Archbishop Walter Jorz heard of this statute he was shocked and strongly disapproved of this apartheid. Archbishop Walter Jorz was in England at the time and used this location to speedily approach King Edward II and got the statute annulled. On his return to Ireland Archbishop Walter Jorz met John Wogan, Justiciar of Ireland to tell of the king’s decision. On 22^nd May John Wogan issued letters declaring that the statute had been revoked.[22]    

In 1317 some Irish rulers considered that the failed statute of Kilkenny was an attempt merely to legalise what had long been common practice. John Watt contends that government policy around 1310 was still in favour of mixed communities.[23] Yet from earliest times decrees enforcing discrimination and separation between the English and the Irish were regularly made. In 1216 Henry III directed that no Irishman was to be elected or promoted in any cathedral church as disturbances would ensure.[24]

Llanthony and the Bishop of Meath

On 27^th May Archbishop Walter Jorz was at Termonfeckin to agree a settlement between Llanthony Secunda and the Bishop of Meath concerning a number of disputes between them, chiefly that pertaining to the income of Duleek church. To help the settlement Archbishop Walter agreed that Llanthony should be free from appointing perpetual vicars to the churches of Duleek, Dowth and Ballycrobin. Instead they could serve these churches with their fellow canons or employ secular priests.[25]

The election of a new Bishop of Elphin

While in Ireland Archbishop Walter Jorz was involve in some ecclesiastical controversy. Following the death of Donatus, bishop of Elphin, the canons there elected Malachy as bishop, but Salomon, the dean, elected Charles; abbot of Loch Cé, and this was confirmed by Master Reginald, the official in charge of administrating the diocese while vacant. Subsequently Abbot Charles was consecrated bishop by Walter Jorz, Archbishop of Armagh. After this, Malachy and the canons appealed to the pope, who annulled the election and consecration of Abbot Charles. In July 1310 the pope further confirmed the sentence of Thomas Jorz, cardinal of St. Sabina's (and brother of Archbishop Walter), and ordered that Malachy be consecrated by Nicholas, Bishop of Ostia and Velletri.[26]

It is not clear why Archbishop Walter should prefer the choice of the cathedral dean over that of the chapter. Was it racially motivated or did Archbishop Walter consider the election of Malachy to be in some way flawed. Clearly his brother did not approve of Walter’s actions.

Walter resigns as Archbishop of Armagh

Since his appointment as archbishop, Walter Jorz was harassed by lawsuits and the rapacity of royal officials. On 8th July 1310 the king demanded 40 marks from Archbishop Walter in an action relating to the Bishop and chapter of Dromore. The priors of Louth and Dundalk had to come to the Exchequer court to acquit the archbishop of the amount. On 18th January 1311 Archbishop Walter had to provide two attorneys (Richard Manning and Walter Kynefare) in a plea at the Exchequer where the king had demanded £5 from Theobald de Verdon and the Archbishop was obliged by legal contracts to acquit Theobald of the demand. Even after Walter Jorz had resigned as archbishop the government still pressed his successor, Rowland Jorz, for a demand of 27 marks on the manors of Drommskin and Termonfeckin which the government alleged was due from Walter Jorz.[27] 

This hostility against the archbishop increased significantly after the statute of Kilkenny was revoked. The Bishop of Ossory was the lead campaigner for division between the races and was most upset at what happen. The bishop soon began a campaign of hostility against the archbishop. In August 1310 Archbishop Walter Jorz had plans to visit Avignon, France (seat of the popes between 1309 and 1377) to help solve his problems and received legal protection for one year. Archbishop Walter nominated Thomas de Thorp and William de Burgh as his attorneys for England and Ireland during that time.[28]

After his arrival in Avignon, Archbishop Walter Jorz found no comfort. Instead the weight of office continued to burden him. By November 1311 Archbishop Walter had had enough and got leave to resign the see. In return he was promised a yearly pension of £50.[29]

Walter Jorz as the ex-Archbishop of Armagh

On 26^th March 1318 Walter Jorz, ex-Archbishop of Armagh, made his way to Durham as one of the suffragan bishops in the Archdiocese of York to officiate at the consecration of Lewis de Beaumont as Bishop of Durham. Walter was assisted by two other bishops called David Recerensis and Peter Corbaviensis and two papal legates; Cardinals Gaucelin de Eauze and Luke Fieschi.[30]

Lewis de Beaumont was extravagant and illiterate but had important connections. His sister was Isabella de Vesci, a wealthy widow and powerful friend of Queen Isabella, wife of King Edward II.[31] Lewis de Beaumont’s brother was Henry de Beaumont, 4^th Earl of Buchan, a person of considerable military and political skill. Henry de Beaumont fought for England in nearly every battle between England and Scotland from 1298 to 1333. It was his battle techniques that were later developed to great effect at Crecy and Agincourt.[32]

The consecration ceremony attended by Walter Jorz was the second attempt at the consecration of de Beaumont. The first ceremony was planned for sometime in late 1317 but “certain wicked persons” attacked the two papal legates and took them prisoner along with de Beaumont.[33]

The “certain wicked persons” were a Scottish raiding party led by Sir Gilbert Middleton. After the English defeat at Bannockburn in 1314 the north of England was wide open for Scottish invasion and was ravaged by numerous raiding parties. Sir Gilbert’s castle at Milford on the Wansbeck was said to a centre of highway robbery.[34]

The capture of de Beaumont and the two cardinals had political motives above simple robbery. With Lewis de Beaumont as Bishop of Durham his brother Henry de Beaumont would have a strong base from where he could launch attacks into Scotland. The Scots wished to prevent such a strong hand. The two cardinals were sent to England by Pope John XXII to make peace between England and Scotland and to make peace within England between the king and the barons.[35]

After his association with such a high profile consecration, Walter Jorz, ex-Archbishop of Armagh, was sent off in June 1318 to perform more low status activities. The church of Selston in Nottinghamshire had been polluted with bloodshed. Walter Jorz was sent to reconcile Selston church and make it spiritually clean for renewed religious service.[36]

By September 1319 Walter Jorz was a suffragan bishop in the Diocese of Lincoln.[37] In February 1321 Walter Jorz died at the Lincoln convent of the Dominicans. He requested burial within the convent church. Walter’s last illness must have come suddenly to a climax. On 2^nd February 1321 Walter made his will and on 7^th February it was proved – which points to the Walter’s death between those dates.[38]

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[1] A.B. Emden (ed.), A biographical register of the University of Oxford to A.D. 1500 (Oxford University Press, 1989), vol. 2, p. 1023

[2] Daphne D.C. Pochin-Mould, The Irish Dominicans (Dominican Publications, Dublin, 1957), p. 25

[3] A.B. Emden (ed.), A biographical register of the University of Oxford to A.D. 1500, vol. 2, p. 1023

[4] Daphne D.C. Pochin-Mould, The Irish Dominicans, p. 25

[5] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Archbishop_of_Armagh accessed on 6 July 2014

[6] W.H. Bliss (ed.), Calendar of the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland (H.M.S.O., 1895), Vol. 2 (1305-1342), p. 26

[7] A.B. Emden (ed.), A biographical register of the University of Oxford to A.D. 1500, vol. 2, p. 1023

[8] Calendar of the Patent Rolls, Edward II, 1307-1313, p. 4

[9] Thirty-ninth report of the Deputy Keeper of Ireland (1907), p. 23

[10] Calendar of the Patent Rolls, Edward II, 1307-1313, p. 10

[11] W.H. Bliss (ed.), Calendar of the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. 2 (1305-1342), p. 29

[12] Calendar of the Patent Rolls, Edward II, 1307-1313, p. 9

[13] Calendar of the Patent Rolls, Edward II, 1307-1313, p. 64

[14] A.J. Otway-Ruthven, A history of Medieval Ireland (Ernest Benn, London, 1980), p. 130

[15] W. Bliss (ed.), Calendar of the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. 2 (1305-1342), p. 48

[16] Calendar of the Patent Rolls, Edward II, 1307-1313, p. 121

[17] Edmund Curtis, A history of Medieval Ireland from 1086 to 1513 (Barnes & Noble, New York, 1968), p. 180

[18] John Watt, The Church in Medieval Ireland (Gill & Macmillan, Dublin, 1972), pp. 64, 65

[19] Arlene Hogan, The Priory of Llanthony Prima and Secunda in Ireland, 1172-1541: Land, patronage and politics (Four Courts Press, Dublin, 2008), pp. 335, 336

[20] Philomena Connolly (ed.), ‘List of entries on the Memoranda Rolls of the English Exchequer, 1307-1327’, in Analecta Hibernica, no. 36 (1995), p. 179

[21] A.J. Otway-Ruthven, A history of medieval Ireland, p. 138

[22] J.A. Watt, The church and two nations in Medieval Ireland (Cambridge University, 1970), p. 183

[23] John Watt, The Church in Medieval Ireland, p. 79

[24] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland (Kraus reprint, 1974), Vol. 1 (1171-1252), nos. 736, 739

[25] Arlene Hogan, The Priory of Llanthony Prima and Secunda in Ireland, pp. 338, 339, 340

[26] W. Bliss (ed.), Calendar of the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. 2 (1305-1342), p. 70

[27] A.B. Emden (ed.), A biographical register of the University of Oxford to A.D. 1500, vol. 2, p. 1024; chancery.tcd.ie/document/Close/4-edward-ii/2; chancery.tcd.ie/document/Close/4-edward-ii/11; chancery.tcd.ie/document/Close/6-edward-ii/14 

[28] Calendar of the Patent Rolls, Edward II, 1307-1313, pp. 273, 274

[29] A.B. Emden (ed.), A biographical register of the University of Oxford to A.D. 1500, vol. 2, p. 1024

[30] Rosalind M.T. Hill (ed.), The Register of William Melton, Archbishop of York, 1317-1340, vol. 1 (Canterbury & York Society, vol. LXX, 1975-76), no. 192

[31] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Isabella_de_Vesci accessed 6 July 2014

[32] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Henry_de_Beaumont accessed 6 July 2014

[33] Rosalind M.T. Hill (ed.), The Register of William Melton, Archbishop of York, 1317-1340, vol. 1, no. 197

[34] May McKisack, The Fourteenth Century 1307-1399 (Oxford University Press, 1997), pp. 40, 41

[35] May McKisack, The Fourteenth Century 1307-1399, p. 52

[36] Rosalind M.T. Hill (ed.), The Register of William Melton, Archbishop of York, 1317-1340, vol. 1, no. 194

[37] A.B. Emden (ed.), A biographical register of the University of Oxford to A.D. 1500, vol. 2, p. 1024

[38] A.B. Emden (ed.), A biographical register of the University of Oxford to A.D. 1500, vol. 2, p. 1024