Wednesday, November 30, 2016

Affane (Athmethan) civil parish in medieval times

Affane (Athmethan) civil parish in medieval times

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

Introduction

The Normans divided present-day County Waterford into eight cantreds one of which was Athmethan, now written as Affane. The cantred is likely to correspond to the later Barony of Athmethan which in 1320 included five civil parishes.[1] This article explores one of those civil parishes, namely; Affane.

Grant of Affane to Thomas Fitz Anthony

On 3rd July 1215 Thomas Fitz Anthony, seneschal of Leinster, secured a hereditary grant of all the royal lands in the Counties of Waterford (except the city of Waterford) and Desmond (Cork) along with the custody of Waterford castle, Dungarvan castle and the castle and city of Cork and custody of the escheat lands in those places. The grant to Fitz Anthony was a reward for his support given to King John who was fighting rebel barons in England at the time. Fitz Anthony’s feudal lord, William Marshal was one of the chief commanders of the royalist army.

For this substantial grant Thomas Fitz Anthony was to pay a yearly rent to the crown of 250 marks (he paid an upfront fine of 100 marks in July 1215). In addition, Fitz Anthony was given the office of hereditary sheriff of both counties, the only such creation in Ireland. To increase his income Fitz Anthony also got half the prisage on wine in Waterford city where he was the constable. Thomas Fitz Anthony needed this and other revenues because the cost of defending and maintaining the castles across the two counties fell to him to pay for.[2]
The cantred of Affane (Athmethan)

The grant of County Waterford included the cantred of Affane. In 1320 the cantred of Affane, also referred to as the Barony of Affane (Athmethan) included not just the civil parish of Affane but also included the civil parishes of Aglish (Gallys), Clashmore (Glasmore), Kilmolash and Whitechurch (Keppagh, alias Cappagh).[3] The caput of the cantred was at Affane but where? Was it near the parish church which was beside the present Church of Ireland building or on the site of the later Affane house or Mount Rivers? The caput could have been an earlier construction of Dromana castle? The records are just not available to say – only an archaeological dig in a few places in the parish could attempt to form an answer. 

The Barony of Affane was retained as an administrative area for local and national government purposes into the sixteenth century. In 1570 or maybe even then, the medieval cantreds/baronies of Affane, Owath, Slefgo, Dungarvan and Omynws were swept away to form the large Barony of Decies.[4] In the eighteenth century the Barony of Decies was divided into the Barony of Decies and the Barony of Decies within Drum. The civil parish of Affane is today located in the Barony of Decies.


Cantred/barony of Athmethan (Affane)  
source Waterford History and Society figure 6.1

Thomas Fitz Anthony removed from the Decies

Thomas Fitz Anthony was a person of the age of King John. Although he continued in office after the coronation of King Henry III he was of a different age. The minority of Henry III and the King’s changeable opinion of people made it difficult to last the distance. In 1223 relations between Thomas Fitz Anthony and the regency council of King Henry III entered a difficult period. In June 1223 Thomas Fitz Anthony was ordered to appear at court to show by what charters he held the escheat lands in Counties Waterford and Desmond and within the city of Cork. It was suggested that Fitz Anthony was withholding money due to the crown. Fitz Anthony failed to show up and on 3rd June 1223 he was stripped of his lands in Ireland. These were given to John Marshal (died 1235), the marshal of Ireland.[5] At a later date the Counties of Decies and Desmond were given to Richard de Burgh.[6] Thomas Fitz Anthony died in 1229 leaving five daughters as his co-heirs.[7]

The Devereux family at Affane

Long before Thomas Fitz Anthony lost the lands of Decies and Desmond he knew that his reign would not last. In an effort to secure some land for his family from the royal grant Thomas Fitz Anthony arranged for portions granted away from his own name and become estates held directly from the king. Before 1223 Thomas Fitz Anthony gave the cantred of Affane to John Devereux. When Thomas Fitz Anthony died in 1229 the crown recognised John Devereux as lord of Affane and granted him a charter for the lands to be held of the king at a rent of 31 marks per year.[8]

Although no proof is yet forthcoming it would appear that John Devereux married a sister and co-heiress of Emma, wife of William de Dene and daughter of Helen Fitz Anthony, daughter of Thomas Fitz Anthony. John Devereux was alive in 1234 and was possibly dead by 1236 when the rent from his estate was granted to Richard FitzEly but other evidence such as the founding of a house of Friar Minor in New Ross in 1256 suggests that John Devereux lived longer.[9]

John Devereux was succeeded by his son Stephen Devereux. In 1261 a major family disputed occurred between the heirs of Thomas Fitz Anthony over the land of Offergus which is the triangular area bounded on the north by the River Bride, on the east by the River Blackwater and on the west by the present boundary between Counties Cork and Waterford. John FitzThomas and Margaret his wife, John de Norrach, Stephen Archdeacon and Desiderata his wife sued William de Dene and Emma his wife and Stephen Devereux. All the other characters in the court case were daughters or sons-in-law or descendants of Thomas Fitz Anthony which strengthens the opinion that John Devereux was related to Fitz Anthony. It appears that William de Dene and Stephen Devereux won the court case as their descendants continued to hold Offergus into the fourteenth century.

Stephen Devereux did not long enjoy his inheritance of Affane and Offergus as he died shortly after 1262. He was succeeded by his daughter, Ismania who before 1272 had married Jordan de Exeter II of Athlethan, otherwise called Ballylahan, in County Mayo. Jordan de Exeter was sheriff of Connacht in 1269-70 and again in 1279 and served two terms as constable of Roscommon castle in 1280 and 1285. On his marriage to Ismania Devereux, Jordan de Exeter became lord of Affane, half of Offergus (the other half held by the heirs of William de Dene) and two fees at Acheteyr in Co. Kilkenny.   

The rent for Affane by the county sheriff

On 28th April 1287 Maurice Russell, sheriff of County Waterford, paid £10 6s 8d to the Dublin exchequer for the rent for Affane and in May 1289 he paid the same amount.[10]  

The de Exeter family at Affane

In October 1291 Jordan de Exeter paid the rent of £8 for Affane and in May 1292 he paid two payments of £10 6s 8d and 46s 8d.[11] In 1292 King Edward I granted the land of Decies to Thomas FitzMaurice and Margaret his wife as descendants of John FitzThomas, son-in-law of Thomas Fitz Anthony. The royal grant excluded four named people who held land in Decies directly of the king and Jordan de Exeter was one of the four.[12]

On 22nd April 1293 Jordan de Exeter paid £10 6s 8d to the Dublin exchequer for the rent. At Easter 1295 he paid 100s. Later in November 1295 Jordan de Exeter had fallen foul of the authorities so that along with paying £6 6s 8d for the rent of Affane he paid 5½ marks and 93s 4d for failing to keep the peace.[13]

In April 1296 Jordan de Exeter paid the usual rent of £10 6s 8d. Yet at the same time he was in trouble again with the authorities. Roger Meuryk had pledged to have Jordan de Exeter to appear before the authorities on some unknown matter, but failed to have Jordan there on the day and so Roger paid a fine of 20s for this failure. In November 1296 Jordan de Exeter paid an additional £7 3s 4d for the rent of Affane.[14]

On 4th May 1297 Jordan de Exeter paid 15½ marks for Affane and in October 1298 he paid the usual rent of £10 6s 8d as he did in 1299.[15] On the death of Thomas Fitzmaurice, lord of the Decies in 1299 it was found that Jordan de Exeter held Affane of the King in chief for which he paid £20 13s 4d per year or 31 marks.[16]
People of Affane

In October 1285 Richard le Blunt of Athmethan paid forty pence to the Dublin exchequer as a fine for not performing his office.[17] On 12th October 1298 Geoffrey Brun of Athmethan paid a half mark for the chattels of John and Brydyn McCollan, felons of that district, to the Dublin exchequer.[18] In the period 1302 to 1307 Richard Bykhampton was commissioner of the peace for the district of Affane.[19] In July 1375 John Brown and David Waleferk were collectors in the cantred of Affane of the lay subsidy granted to William de Windsor, viceroy of Ireland, at the Kilkenny Parliament.[20]

The value of Affane

We saw earlier how the rent for Affane was worth £10 6s 8d per year to the Dublin exchequer. Other measures to see the value of Affane in medieval times include to contribution of 100s from Affane to the 1300 Scottish war campaign of King Edward I.[21]

Parish of Affane

About the same time of 1302 the parish of Affane was valued at £6 16s 4d on which it paid the papal tax of 13s 7½d. Affane ranked fifteenth in value in the Diocese of Lismore out of eighty-eight different benefices including parishes and abbeys.[22] Affane parish was subject to the rectory of Dungarvan.

In about 1742 Bishop Este of Waterford and Lismore told Charles Smith, the historian, that the rectory of Affane was with the impropriator and the full value of the vicarage tithes of the parish was £25 from which £6 was paid in tax to the King’s Bench. There was no glebe land and the Earl of Cork was the then patron. The church was in repair and in constant service.[23]

In the early twentieth century Canon Patrick Power recorded that there was little remaining of the medieval church at Affane. Instead the outline of the church could be seen in the ground just south of the later nineteenth century church.[24]

The names of the vicars of Affane in medieval times are mostly unknown. The best documented was Philip O’Keith in about 1487.[25] As well as being a vicar of Affane Philip O’Keith was a canon at Lismore cathedral where between 1487 and 1503 he was named as a papal judge on a number of occasions.[26]  


Medieval church site to the right of Affane 19th century church

The de Exeter family of Affane in the fourteenth century

In October 1301 Jordan de Exeter paid the usual rent for Affane while at the same time serving as sheriff of County Waterford.[27] On 10th My 1302 Jordan de Exeter paid £10 6s 8d for the rent of Affane.[28] The surviving records get a bit patchy after 1307 but it seems the de Exeter family held Affane for many decades.

Jordan de Exeter (alive 1310) and Ismania Devereux (dead by 1305) were succeeded at Affane by their son, Jordan de Exeter III. In 1302 Jordan de Exeter III held half of Offergus by grant from his parents. Jordan de Exeter III fought in the Scottish wars and was rewarded with the wardship and marriage of the heir of Richard de St. Michael.[29]

Jordan de Exeter was dead before 1316 when his brother, Stephen de Exeter was named as holding the two fees of Acheteyr. But Stephen de Exeter was killed in 1316 at Ballylahan in Mayo leaving Matilda as his widow and an heir under age. Stephen’s brother Meiler de Exeter became guardian of Stephen’s property in Connacht until the heir came of age. In 1317 the escheator accounted for £31 8s 7½d of two parts of the rent of Affane from 10th August 1316 to 14th May 1317 on the lands of Stephen de Exeter at Gallys, Annagh, Affane and elsewhere in the barony of Affane. There was also £2 18s ½d from increments. £1 6s 6d was deducted from the rent for 318 acres sown before the death of Stephen at 1½d per acre. From 14th May 1317 until 20th November 1318 the escheator collected £15 14s 3d from two parts of Affane from the income from lands, dovecots, weirs, pannage, tollbolt, pleas and perquisites of the court with £1 9s in increments.[30]

Meiler was killed in 1317 and was succeeded by his son Meiler de Exeter who died in 1326 when his uncle, John de Exeter, succeeded as heir. Stephen’s property in Co. Waterford included Aglis, Annagh, Affane and other lands in the Barony of Affane. The manors of Cappagh and Clashmore within the Barony of Affane were held by Thomas, son of Richard de Burgh, from the heirs of Stephen de Exeter. The Waterford lands were entrusted to John, son of Robert le Poer, and he held them until 1326 when the property passed to John de Exeter, brother of Stephen de Exeter.[31] In 1322 the arrears of rent for Affane as owed by Jordan de Exeter was £93 of which £62 covered the years 1319-1322.[32] In 1326 it was reported that John, son of Robert le Poer, owed £267 3s 3¾d in arrears of rent for two thirds of Affane which belonged to Stephen de Exeter.[33] The other one third was possibly held in dower by Stephen’s widow, Matilda.

In the sheriff’s account for County Waterford covering the years 1327 to 1336 it was said that Jordan de Exeter owed £248 in arrears of his rent to the Crown for the cantred of Affane. But King Edward III quashed the debt and declared Jordan to be free of all arrears.[34]
By 1355 John de Exeter was succeeded as lord of Affane by his son, Jordan de Exeter, who in 1358 held the manor of Affane in chief from the King. Jordan de Exeter was falsely accused of been in rebellion against the King while sheriff of Connacht and his property was temporally seized by the government.[35]

Jordan de Exeter was succeeded to his lands in Connacht, Waterford and Cork by his son, Meiler de Exeter. In 1374 Meiler de Exeter recovered Affane as part of the County Waterford estates which the government had seized to recoup the debts of Meiler’s father. Meiler de Exeter also recovered lands in Kilkenny and Cork.[36] Meiler de Exeter was dead by 1380 when the sheriff of Connacht was ordered to deliver Meiler’s lands to John, son of John de Exeter. In 1382 John de Exeter recovered Affane from the government while ten days later John, son of William de Exeter, was granted custody of Offergus in medieval Co. Cork. The de Exeter family had Affane in 1400 but after that date the records get scarce.[37]

The de Exeter family continued to live in County Mayo into the late sixteenth century and had numerous members.[38] But it would seem that the Waterford property after 1380 passed from the direct line of the family to one cousin after another and eventually got lost in the darkness of the fifteenth century. When Affane and the barony of Affane re-emerges in the sixteenth century and seventeenth century, the Fitzgerald family of Dromana own most of the property in the former barony.   

Dromana and Fitzgerald property in Affane parish

In the Civil Survey of 1640 Gerrott Fitzgerald of Dromana held the townlands of Dromannymore, Ballyhanemore and Dromroe which measured one ploughland and two thirds of a ploughland or 800 acres, worth £91.[39] Gerrott Fitzgerald was a lineal descendant of Thomas Fitz Anthony and in July 2015 Gerrott’s descendants held a celebration of 800 years association with Dromana and County Waterford.

In the mid fourteenth century, James Fitzgerald, 7th Earl of Desmond, settled the Fitzgerald lands in County Waterford (known anciently as the Decies), on his younger son, Gerald Oge Fitzgerald. Gerald Oge established his chief seat at Dromana within the parish of Affane and his descendants still live in the house.[40] Although the Fitzgerald and later Villiers Stuart family of Dromana left an extensive archive of documents few survive to record the family’s activities in medieval Affane.

Other lands of the Earl of Desmond in Affane parish

Apart from the three townlands held by the Fitzgerald family of Dromana it appears that the Earl of Desmond retained property rights in Affane parish long after Decies was given to Gerald Oge Fitzgerald of Dromana. After the Second Desmond Rebellion of 1579-1583 all the lands of the Earl of Desmond were seized by the English government and parcelled out to various people called Undertakers who undertook to plant Munster with English settlers. In 1586 Sir Christopher Hatton, Lord Chancellor of England, received the manor of Knockmoan and various other lands in County Waterford including 1,422 acres of Affane which was said to be formerly belonging to the late Garret Fitzgerald, 15th Earl of Desmond.[41]

After the death of Sir Christopher Hatton his Irish property passed to a relative, Sir William Hatton who before 1596 sold it to the D’Alton family. In the 1630s Sir Richard Boyle, 1st Earl of Cork, purchased Affane from Richard Dalton along with other property at Cappoquin, Salterbridge and Kilmolash.[42] In the Civil Survey of 1640 the Earl of Cork held Affane.[43]

Cranaghtane townland in Affane parish

On 1st October 1382 Richard Fitz Nicholl, granted various properties in County Waterford to Sir Thomas de Mandeville including Cranaghtane. Richard Fitz Nicholl appears to have held these lands in trust for the Mandeville family, possibly as part of a marriage settlement. Magina, daughter and heir of Roger Fitz Nicholl, married Maurice, son of Sir Walter de Mandeville and this Sir Walter was the father of Sir Thomas de Mandeville.[44]

The de Mandeville family were connected to the Fitzgerald family, Earls of Desmond and Lords of the Decies. Sir Walter de Mandeville was married to Royse Fitz Gerald fynn Fitzgerald and they both were alive in the mid fourteenth century. In 1341 Thomas de Mandeville, son of Sir Walter de Mandeville, and Anestace his wife conveyed the manor of Kilmanahan to Maurice Fitzgerald, 1st Earl of Desmond, in return for an indenture of military service.[45] The Fitzgerald family, Earls of Desmond, were descendants and heirs of Thomas Fitz Anthony. Did Cranaghtane come to the Mandeville family by the marriage of Sir Walter to Royce Fitzgerald or as part of the 1341 indenture? As noted above the Fitzgerald family retained ownership of part of Affane parish since the grant to Thomas Fitz Anthony in 1215 and even after his transfer of lordship of Affane to the de Exeter family.

By 1378 Sir Thomas de Mandeville had remarried and his new wife was Joan Power.[46] Her marriage settlement may also have brought Cranaghtane to the Mandeville family. In July 1427 Milo Power made an enfeoffment of Norrisland, on the west bank of the River Blackwater from Affane parish to John Fitzthomas and Catherine his wife. This enfeoffment shows the Power family with property interests adjacent to Affane parish. Yet we simply don’t have the necessary document or documents to take the history of Cranaghtane back beyond 1382.

Maurice de Mandeville and Magina Fitz Nicholl had a son called Henry de Mandeville who was the father of Walter de Mandeville. On 16th August 1456 Walter, son of Henry de Mandeville, granted unto his son Edmond de Mandeville various lands in County Waterford that were the ancient property of the Mandeville family. Cranaghtane in the parish of Affane was part of this inheritance.[47] 

By the seventeenth century the Mandeville family of County Waterford had changed the spelling of their surname to that of Mansfield and their descendants are known by the latter name to this day. On 20th September 1631 Sir Richard Boyle, 1st Earl of Cork, paid £20 sterling for the land of Cranaghtane, near Cappoquin from Mrs. O’Brien. This woman was the widow of Walter Mansfield junior and had married Mr. O’Brien after Walter’s death. Previously, the land of Cranaghtane was conveyed by Walter Mansfield senior of Ballynemultinagh, onto his son Walter and his then wife.[48] Thus Cranaghatane appears among the property held by Richard Boyle in the Civil Survey of 1640.

Affane at the end of the medieval age

The medieval age is said to have ended in 1534 when King Henry VIII of England exchanged his title of Lord of Ireland to that of King of Ireland. By 1640 the medieval and Tudor ages had come and gone. Yet in the Civil Survey of 1654 which recorded the land of Ireland as it was in 1640 we get some version of Affane parish as it was in earlier times. In 1640 Sir Richard Boyle, Earl of Cork, held the townlands of Affane, Cloghdahiny and Cranaghtane which measured 2½ ploughlands and an eight part of a ploughland or 1,000 acres, worth £105 15s. Gerrott Fitzgerald of Dromana held the townlands of Dromannymore, Ballyhanemore and Dromroe which measured one ploughland and two thirds of a ploughland or 800 acres, worth £91. Pierce Roche of Curraghroche held the final townland in the parish, that of Curraghroche, measuring a quarter of a ploughland or 100 acres and worth £15.[49] The other half of Curraghroche townland was in the parish of Kilmolash where Pierce Roche held a quarter of a ploughland or 80 acres and was worth £10 2s.[50]


The land around Affane church

Conclusion

The Civil Survey of 1640 is very much Ireland’s Domesday Book. If the Anglo-Normans made a survey like the Domesday Book in 1250 it would be a wonderful resource to compare the start and end of the medieval age and help fill in many of the blanks in the medieval story of Affane. The above article has tried to fill in some of the blanks and like the story of many other places in medieval Ireland is a work in progress. Maybe someday in the future a dusty manuscript in an old cupboard could help to fill in more gaps in the story – we live in hope.

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[1] C.A. Empey, ‘County Waterford: 1200-1300’, in William Nolan & Thomas Power (eds.), Waterford History and Society (Geography Publications, Dublin, 1992), p. 142
[2] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of documents relating to Ireland (5 vols. Kraus reprint, 1974), vol. 1 (1171-1251), nos. 576, 580
[3] C.A. Empey, ‘County Waterford: 1200-1300’, in Waterford History and Society, edited by William Nolan and Thomas P. Power (Geography Publications, Dublin, 1992), p. 142
[4] Robert Simington (ed.), The Civil Survey A.D. 1654-1656 County of Waterford, Vol. VI with appendices (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1942), p. 25
[5] David Beresford, ‘Fitz Anthony, Thomas’, in Dictionary of Irish Biography, edited by James McGuire & James Quinn (Cambridge University Press, 2009), Vol. 3, p. 813
[6] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of documents relating to Ireland, vol. 1 (1171-1251), no. 1543
[7] Eric St. John Brooks, Knight’s fees in Counties Wexford, Carlow and Kilkenny, 13th-15th century (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1950), p. 148
[8] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of documents relating to Ireland, vol. 1 (1171-1251), nos. 1678, 1680
[9] Eric St. John Brooks, Knight’s fees in Counties Wexford, Carlow and Kilkenny, 13th-15th century (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1950), p. 220
[10] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland (5 vols. Kraus reprint, 1974), Vol. 3 (1285-1292), pp. 139, 224
[11] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 3 (1285-1292), pp. 434, 477
[12] Eric St. John Brooks, Knight’s fees in Counties Wexford, Carlow and Kilkenny, 13th-15th century (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1950), p. 222
[13] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 4 (1292-1301), pp. 11, 89, 114
[14] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 4 (1292-1301), pp. 132, 153
[15] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 4 (1292-1301), pp. 180, 250, 314
[16] Eric St. John Brooks, Knight’s fees in Counties Wexford, Carlow and Kilkenny, 13th-15th century (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1950), p. 222
[17] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 3 (1285-1292), p. 54
[18] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 4 (1292-1301), p. 249
[19] Robin Frame, ‘Commissions of the Peace in Ireland, 1302-1461’, in Analecta Hibernica, no. 35 (1992), p. 31
[20] H.G. Richardson & G.O. Sayles (eds.), Parliaments and Councils of Medieval Ireland (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1947), p. 59
[21] Mills (ed.), Calendar of the Justice Rolls of Ireland, 1295-1303 (), p. 304
[22] H.S. Sweetman & G.F. Handcock (eds.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 5 (1302-1307), no. 726
[23] Charles Smith, The Ancient and Present State of the County and City of Waterford (Dungarvan, 2008), p. 18
[24] Canon Patrick Power, History of the Diocese of Waterford and Lismore (), p. 227
[25] Rev. W. Rennison, Succession List of the Bishop, Cathedral and Parochial Clergy of the Diocese of Waterford and Lismore (author, 1920), p. 137
[26] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of entries in the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. XIV, 1484-1492 (Stationery Office, London, 1960), pp. 142, 187, 190 ; Michael J. Haren (ed.), Calendar of entries in the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. XV, 1484-1492 (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1978), nos. 301, 360, 669, 889;  Anne P. Fuller (ed.), Calendar of entries in the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. XVII, Part 1, 1495-1503 (Irish Manuscripts Commission, Dublin, 1994), no. 852
[27] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 4 (1292-1301), p. 374
[28] H.S. Sweetman & G.F. Handcock (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 5 (1302-1307), p. 25
[29] Eric St. John Brooks, Knight’s fees in Counties Wexford, Carlow and Kilkenny, 13th-15th century (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1950), p. 223
[30] Eric St. John Brooks, Knight’s fees in Counties Wexford, Carlow and Kilkenny, 13th-15th century (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1950), p. 224; Forty-second report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland (Stationery Office, London, 1911), pp. 16, 23
[31] Eric St. John Brooks, Knight’s fees in Counties Wexford, Carlow and Kilkenny, 13th-15th century (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1950), p. 224; Forty-second report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland (Stationery Office, London, 1911), p. 68
[32] Forty-second report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland (Stationery Office, London, 1911), p. 39
[33] Forty-fourth report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland (Stationery Office, London, 1912), p. 25
[34] Forty-fourth report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records in Ireland (Stationery Office, London, 1912), p. 24
[35] Eric St. John Brooks, Knight’s fees in Counties Wexford, Carlow and Kilkenny, 13th-15th century (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1950), p. 225
[36] Elizabeth Dowse & Margaret Murphy, ‘Rotulus Clausus de Anno 48 Edward III – a reconstruction’, in Analecta Hibernica, no. 35 (1992), pp. 126, 127
[37] Eric St. John Brooks, Knight’s fees in Counties Wexford, Carlow and Kilkenny, 13th-15th century (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1950), pp. 225, 226
[38] Goddard Henry Orpen, Ireland under the Normans, 1169-1333 (Four Courts Press, Dublin, 2005), Vol. III, p. 198
[39] Robert Simington (ed.), The Civil Survey A.D. 1654-1656 County of Waterford, Vol. VI with appendices (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1942), p. 47
[40] Gerald O’Carroll, The Earls of Desmond: The Rise and Fall of a Munster Lordship (author, 2013), p. 20
[41] Frank O’Brien, The O’Briens of Deise (Birchcorp, 2001), p. 68; Melanie O’Sullivan & Kevin McCarthy, Cappoquin: A Walk Through History (Cappoquin, 1999), p. 52
[42] Melanie O’Sullivan & Kevin McCarthy, Cappoquin: A Walk Through History (Cappoquin, 1999), p. 55
[43] Robert Simington (ed.), The Civil Survey A.D. 1654-1656 County of Waterford, Vol. VI with appendices (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1942), p. 47
[44] K.W. Nicholls, ‘Abstracts of Mandeville Deeds, NLI. MS.6136’, in Analecta Hibernica, No. 32 (1985), pp. 9, 11, 19
[45] K.W. Nicholls, ‘Abstracts of Mandeville Deeds, NLI. MS.6136’, in Analecta Hibernica, No. 32 (1985), pp. 8, 15
[46] K.W. Nicholls, ‘Abstracts of Mandeville Deeds, NLI. MS.6136’, in Analecta Hibernica, No. 32 (1985), p. 15
[47] K.W. Nicholls, ‘Abstracts of Mandeville Deeds, NLI. MS.6136’, in Analecta Hibernica, No. 32 (1985), p. 7
[48] Rev. Alexander Grosart (ed.), The Lismore Papers, first series, vol. III, p. 101
[49] Robert Simington (ed.), The Civil Survey A.D. 1654-1656 County of Waterford, Vol. VI with appendices (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1942), p. 47
[50] Robert Simington (ed.), The Civil Survey A.D. 1654-1656 County of Waterford, Vol. VI with appendices (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1942), p. 55

Sunday, November 27, 2016

The last three Bishops of Annaghdown, 1458-c.1553

The last three Bishops of Annaghdown, 1458-c.1553

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

On 31st July 1327 a papal bull was issued for the union of the Dioceses of Annaghdown, Kilmacduagh and Achonry with the Archdiocese of Tuam, the union to become effective with the then incumbents bishops died. The union was arranged for Malachy Mac Aodha, Archbishop of Tuam (1312-1348) by the Florence legal firm of Sapiti. The annexation of Annaghdown by Tuam was a long running project.[1] For more see = http://celtic2realms-medievalnews.blogspot.ie/2014/05/annaghdown-diocese-and-battle-with.html

After 1327 the chapter at Annaghdown and political manoeuvrings at Rome still elected and appointed various Bishops of Annaghdown but most of these bishops never even made it to visit their new diocese. In 1393 Bishop Joannes of Annaghdown petitioned the king to have leave to recruit 200 archers in England for service in Ireland. The bishop claimed that the malice and power of the king’s enemies made it impossible for him to live in the diocese or even collect its revenues.[2] But he failed in his efforts to wrestle control of Annaghdown from the Archbishop of Tuam.

Bishop Johannes died before October 1394 and thereafter the named Bishops of Annaghdown confined their activities to England as suffragan bishops in various dioceses. Rome still appointed these bishops not in any hope of making money out of Annaghdown but as a symbol of papal power and diplomacy.[3] For the most part Rome accepted the union of 1327 and the local religious power of the Archbishop of Tuam. After 1504 Rome ceased to appoint any new Bishops of Annaghdown until 1539 when John O’More claimed to be the Bishop by papal appointment. The last three bishops of Annaghdown were Thomas Barrett, Francis Brunandi and John O’More and an account of their lives is printed below.

Thomas Barrett, Bishop of Annaghdown    

In April 1458 Pope Calixtus III appointed Thomas Barrett, a priest, as the new Bishop of Annaghdown. His provision was in succession to Raymund Bermingham who died (1451) as Bishop of Annaghdown before he had gained possession of the Diocese. Raymund had been appointed Bishop in 1450 by Pope Nicholas V. Letters were sent to the chapter of Annaghdown, the people of the Diocese, the Archbishop of Tuam and King Henry VI of England informing them of the new Bishop.[4] The see of Annaghdown was vacant since the death of Bishop Raymund in 1451.

The background of Thomas Barrett is unclear. He may have had connections with the Barrett family of Killala of which Richard Barrett, Bishop of Killala (1513-44), was chief of his nation.[5] But local connections in Killala were of little use against a determined Archbishop of Tuam, Donatus O Muireadhaigh, who was for keeping Annaghdown as a part of the Archdiocese of Tuam and not allowing it to become an independent diocese. The government initially supported the cause of Thomas Barrett to secure his see. King Henry VI ordered William Burke of Clanricard and Thomas de Bermingham to cease their aid to the Archbishop and give obedience to Bishop Barrett. But all the King’s horses and all the King’s men couldn’t move Archbishop Donatus and so Bishop Thomas Barrett retired to England to seek employment.[6] The first notice of the activities of Thomas Barrett in England was in 1458 as a suffragan bishop in the Diocese of Exeter.[7] The then Bishop of Exeter was George Neville, brother of Richard Neville, 16th Earl of Warwick, who is better known as Warwick the Kingmaker.[8]

In 1460 the government condemned Archbishop Donatus of Tuam for his refusal ‘to come to the King’s Parliaments and councils and to obey the laws of the land’.[9] Bishop Barrett may have felt that another push by the government would gain him the see of Annaghdown and voices of support in Annaghdown started to appear in the papers. In May 1460 Thomas Barrett, was described as a priest of Killala and only a person claiming to be Bishop of Annaghdown contrary to the authority of the Archbishop of Tuam who claimed to be the rightful Bishop of Annaghdown. It was said that Odo Otyemay gave obedience to Thomas Barrett as Bishop when Odo was appointed vicar of St. Nicholas’s church in Galway. But this could have been just Odo’s talk with no certainty that Thomas Barrett exercised any authority.[10]

Before February 1465 Thomas Barrett did excise some authority as Bishop of Annaghdown when he removed Bernard Ohogayn from the deanery of Annaghdown and so made vacant the vicarage of Rathuna which was united to the deanery for the life of Bernard. But Donatus, Archbishop of Tuam, displayed the greater authority and showed that he was the de facto Bishop of Annaghdown by appointing Rory Flaherty as the new vicar of Rathuna before Bishop Barrett could act.[11] In 1463 Bernard Ohogayn was accused of simony, not residing at Annaghdown and accepting money in the administration of justice.[12]

Annaghdown church

In 1464-1471 Pope Paul II granted a dispensation to Thomas Barrett as Bishop of Annaghdown to hold another benefice with the Diocese.[13] In the late 1460s Thomas Barrett, the exiled Bishop of Annaghdown, was vicar of the church of St. Giles without Cripplegate in London.[14] In 1466-7, Thomas Barrett, Bishop of Annaghdown, held a canonry in York Minster and the prebendary of Laughton.[15]

In 1467 Thomas Barrett, the exiled Bishop of Annaghdown, was used by King Edward IV as an envoy.[16] It was possibly around this time that he purchased four whole cloths from Thomas Stywyne, goldsmith at Bristol. When Thomas Stywyne came with the bill, Bishop Barrett told Stywyne of the larger debt that Stywyne owed the Bishop and refused to pay. With a deadlock over who was to pay who, Bishop Thomas Barrett petitioned the Bishop of Bath and Wells, then chancellor of England, to grant a writ of corpus cum causa to the sheriff of London and bring the case before Chancery. This petition was made between June 1467 and September 1470 or March 1471 to June 1473 when the Bishop of Bath and Wells was the chancellor. The petition itself had no date attached.[17]

In March 1470 Thomas Barrett, Bishop of Annaghdown, was living in London – he seemed to have a life of travelling from one place to another. While in London he was appointed one of three papal judges to decide on a case of false marriage contracted between William Hely of London and Joan Keneyk of the Diocese of Coventry and Lichfield.[18]

In July 1476 Thomas Barret, Bishop of Annaghdown, was living in London where he was appointed papal judge in a marriage case between Alice Norway of the Diocese of Worcester and John Walsh of same and John’s supposed marriage with Alice Glover of York Diocese.[19]

In February 1478 Thomas Barrett was appointed a papal judge as Bishop of Annaghdown to decide if Maurice Macaidagan should be made prior of St. Mary Mathail in the Diocese of Ardagh.[20] In April 1478 Thomas Barrett, Bishop of Annaghdown, was living in the Diocese of Chichester. While there Bishop Barrett was to decide on the proposal of Matilda Farnecombe of Winchelsea, widow, to endow two benefices at the altar of St. Mary in the church at Winchelsea and to have the right to present two priests to Battle Abbey.[21]    

By May 1478 Thomas Barrett was granted dispensation to hold in commendam with the Bishopric of Annaghdown the parish church of Charleton in the Diocese of Exeter and any two other benefices. In May 1478 he was granted papal license to hold the priory of Down, OSB, in commendam with Annaghdown which priory was worth 80 marks.[22]

In the years 1482-85 Bishop Thomas Barrett acted as a suffragan bishop in the Diocese of Bath and Wells.[23] This was in succession as suffragan to another Irish bishop, John, Bishop of Ross.[24] On 13th August 1482 Thomas Barrett was instituted to the churches of Banwell and Brean in the Diocese of Bath and Wells on the resignation of Sir David Frampton (vicar of Banwell since 1466 and vicar at Brean since 1478). The church at Banwell was in the presentation of Bruton priory while the church of Brean was then in the presentation of Sir Edward Grey, Viscount Lisle, in right of his wife, Elizabeth who was the sister and heiress of Thomas Talbot, Viscount Lisle.[25] On 20th June 1498 Sir John Bennett, chaplain, was instituted to Brean church after the death of Thomas Barrett, late Bishop of Annaghdown.[26] The church at Brean had an older Irish connection as it is dedicated to St. Bridget of Kildare.[27]

In September 1484 Thomas Barrett, Bishop of Annaghdown, was sent to Ireland by King Richard III to treat with the king’s enemies in the south-west and west while also endeavouring to make peace in Ulster. Richard III was particularly interested in recovering effective control of the Earldom of Ulster and suggested to the Earl of Kildare that cooperation could be had from the O’Neill and O’Donnell chieftains. Thomas Barrett was given letters of instruction on this and other matters for the Earl of Kildare who became deputy for the new Lord Lieutenant, the Earl of Lincoln. The bishop also had letters for other royal officials.[28]

Out in the country Bishop Barrett had letters for various Anglo-Irish lords in Leinster, Munster and Connacht. The communication with the gentry of Connacht was the first between the Lord of Ireland and Connacht for many years. In Leinster Bishop Barrett was to make personal contact with the lesser magnates of the Pale which included Lords Gormanston, Delvin and Portlester along with Sir Oliver and Sir Alexander Plunkett.[29]

The most important of these lords in Munster was the Earl of Desmond. Bishop Barrett was to make apology for the cruel death of the Earl’s father at Drogheda in 1468 and say that others in England suffered such cruelty including members of the king’s family. The bishop was given power by Richard III to accept the oath of allegiance from Desmond while at the same time informing Desmond not to marry without the king’s licence as the king had a bride in mind. The Earl of Desmond was to wear English clothes, a sample of which was in the baggage train of Bishop Barrett. Finally the Earl was to defend the church and keep the peace.[30]

The result of the mission of Bishop Thomas Barrett varied. It was a long time since the English government ventured to extend its power beyond the four obedient counties. The recovery of lost royal revenue in the lands of Munster, Connacht and Ulster must have given some motive to Richard III for the mission. As a consequence of Bishop Barrett’s mission a roll of the Irish revenues appeared in England about Easter 1485. Thousands of pounds of royal revenue was lost over the previous generations leaving only about £750 which was needed for the day-to-day expenses of the Dublin administration.[31]

Yet if the king found Ireland to be a good base of Yorkist supports such supports were not in abundance in England. The death of King Richard III at Bosworth in August 1485 ended the efforts to recover most of Ireland just as it ended the hopes of Bishop Barrett to recover his diocese of Annaghdown.

Meanwhile Rome continued to give mixed signals as to the status of Annaghdown. In November 1484 Pope Innocent VIII recognised Donatus, Archbishop of Tuam, to also be the Bishop of Annaghdown. In June 1487 Pope Innocent VIII issued a papal mandate for three papal judges to summon the Bishop and chapter of Annaghdown concerning the vicarage of de Rasima and its erection into a simple prebend.[32] It is not clear if he had the Archbishop of Tuam in mind as the Bishop or Thomas Barrett.

Back in England Thomas Barrett, Bishop of Annaghdown, resigned the vicarage of Banwell in the Diocese of Bath and Wells. On 14th April 1489 Master Thomas Wodyngton, doctor of decrees, was instituted to the vicarage on the presentation of Bruton priory.[33]  

On 17th December 1492 John Aller, chaplain, was appointed rector of East Allington church, Devon, in the Diocese of Exeter. The parish was vacant by the death of Thomas Barrett. It is not clear if this was Thomas Barrett, the late Bishop of Annaghdown or another person.[34] Yet given that Thomas Barrett was at one time a suffragan bishop in the Diocese of Exeter it is a good possibility that he was the Bishop of Annaghdown.

By April 1492 Rome acknowledged that the cathedral churches of Tuam and Annaghdown were perpetually untied under William, Archbishop of Tuam. In June 1492 Rome further acknowledged that the Archbishop of Tuam also held the position of Bishop of Annaghdown. The Archbishop was so referred to in a petition of the collegiate church of St. Nicholas in Galway for two vacant vicarages to add to its revenue which petition was granted.[35]

Francis Brunandi

In 1495/6 Pope Alexander VI appointed Francis Brunandi to be the new Bishop of Annaghdown and gave him absolution to succeed to the episcopate.[36] Francis Brunandi was among a number of Italian clerics who were appointed to other dioceses in England and Ireland in the late fifteenth century. These Italians included Octavian del Palacio as Archbishop of Armagh (1479-1512), Giovanni de Rogeriis as Bishop of Raphoe (1479-1483), Tiberio Ugolino as Bishop of Down and Connor (1489-1519) and Hadrian de Castello as Bishop of Bath and Wells (1503-1518) along with three Italians as successive Bishops of Worcester, namely; Giovanni de' Gigli, Silvestro de' Gigli and Geronimo De Ghinucci.[37]

It is perhaps appropriate that the papal letter of appointment of Francis Brunandi to Annaghdown now lies among the lost letters of the Vatican archive as Francis Brunandi was on a lost cause from the start to gain possession of Annaghdown. In a petition to the Pope by Rory Ocananon, dean of Annaghdown, in January 1497 he said that the church of Annaghdown was joined to that of Tuam for over one hundred years. In that time the cathedral church of Annaghdown had fallen into ruins and divine service was no longer celebrated there.[38] The former Bishop of Annaghdown, Thomas Barrett was dead by June 1498 according to the register of the Bishop of Bath and Wells.[39]

In July 1499 Francis Brunandi, Papal Bishop of Annaghdown, was living in Geneva where he held out little hope of seeing his Irish diocese. Other Italians had successfully made the journey to England and Ireland to take possession of their new dioceses but Francis seems to have gone as far as Geneva and no further. In July 1499 he was appointed one f three papal judges to settle a litigation dispute relating to the church of St. Peter, near Annecy in the Diocese of Geneva.[40]

In February 1499 and in May 1502 the bishop and chapter of Annaghdown cathedral were summoned to appear before papal judges concerning the erection of a canonry and prebend against church rules.[41] In both cases the Bishop of Annaghdown would de facto be Francis Brunandi but instead was the Archbishop of Tuam.

By March 1503 Francis Brunandi had all but given up the struggle to gain possession of the Diocese of Annaghdown. On 4th March 1503 he received dispensation to hold in commendam for life with the Bishopric of Annaghdown any two benefices. He could have these benefices with or without cure of souls, as a secular or regular priest of the Cluniac or Cistercian orders or any benefice or position attached to a metropolitan or collegiate church. Francis Brunandi could have this wide dispensation despite the constitutions of the Order of St. Mary of Mount Carmel of which he was a professor. Pope Alexander VI died before the letter of dispensation could be fully endorsed and so on 26th November 1503 Pope Julius II agreed the dispensation.[42]

John O’More

Bishop Francis Brunandi died sometime after 1504 and there were no further appointments as Bishop of Annaghdown.[43] In 1539 a person called John O’More or O’Moore claimed to be the new Bishop of Annaghdown although there is no surviving record of any papal provision. Yet the English government sent John O’More to jail for accepting an appointment from the pope. In the changing political and religious climate of the 1530s and 1540s John O’More was released in 1540 and was recognised by the Crown as the Bishop of Annaghdown. John O’More died about 1553, and was the last recognised Bishop of Annaghdown. In 1555 Annaghdown was again united to the Archdiocese of Tuam although the union was not finally accepted until 1580.[44]

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[1] John Watt, The Church in Medieval Ireland (Gill & Macmillan, Dublin, 1972), pp. 143, 146
[2] A.J. Otway-Ruthven, A history of medieval Ireland (Ernest Benn, London, 1980), p. 325
[3] Colm Lennon, Sixteenth Century Ireland (Gill & Macmillan, Dublin, 2005), p. 126
[4] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. XI, 1455-1464 (Stationery Office, London, 1921), p. 341
[5] Colm Lennon, Sixteenth Century Ireland (Gill & Macmillan, Dublin, 2005), p. 127; K.W. Nicholls, Gaelic and Gaelicized Ireland in the Middle Ages (Lilliput Press, Dublin, 2005), p. 116
[6] Art Cosgrove, ‘Ireland beyond the Pale, 1399-1460’, in A New History of Ireland, Vol. II, Medieval Ireland 1169-1534, edited by Art Cosgrove (Oxford University Press, 2008), pp. 586, 587
[9] Art Cosgrove, ‘Ireland beyond the Pale, 1399-1460’, in A New History of Ireland, Vol. II, Medieval Ireland 1169-1534, edited by Art Cosgrove (Oxford University Press, 2008), p. 586
[10] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. XII, 1458-1471 (Stationery Office, London, 1933), p. 96
[11] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. XII, 1458-1471 (Stationery Office, London, 1933), p. 474
[12] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. XI, 1455-1464 (Stationery Office, London, 1921), pp. 476, 477
[13] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. XII, 1458-1471 (Stationery Office, London, 1933), p. xxxiii
[14] Paul Dryburgh & Brendan Smith (eds.), Handbook and Select Calendar of Sources for Medieval Ireland in the National Archives of the United Kingdom (Four Courts Press, Dublin, 2005), p. 135
[16] A.J. Otway-Ruthven, A history of medieval Ireland (Ernest Benn, London, 1980), p. 401
[17] Paul Dryburgh & Brendan Smith (eds.), Handbook and Select Calendar of Sources for Medieval Ireland in the National Archives of the United Kingdom (Four Courts Press, Dublin, 2005), p. 135
[18] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. XII, 1458-1471 (Stationery Office, London, 1933), p. 802
[19] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. XIII, 1471-1484 (Stationery Office, London, 1955), pp. 512, 515
[20] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. XIII, 1471-1484 (Stationery Office, London, 1955), p. 607
[21] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. XIII, 1471-1484 (Stationery Office, London, 1955), p. 615
[22] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. XIII, 1471-1484 (Stationery Office, London, 1955), p. 605
[24] Sir Henry Maxwell-Lyte (ed.), The Registers of Robert Stillington, Bishop of Bath and Wells, 1466-1491 and Richard Fox, Bishop of Bath and Wells, 1492-1494 (Somerset Record Society, Vol. LII, 1937), p. xvii
[25] Sir Henry Maxwell-Lyte (ed.), The Registers of Robert Stillington, Bishop of Bath and Wells, 1466-1491 and Richard Fox, Bishop of Bath and Wells, 1492-1494 (Somerset Record Society, Vol. LII, 1937), nos. 6, 407, 677, 678
[26] Sir Henry Maxwell-Lyte (ed.), The Registers of Oliver King, Bishop of Bath and Wells, 1496-1503 and Hadrian de Castello, Bishop of Bath and Wells, 1503-1518 (Somerset Record Society, Vol. LIV, 1939), no. 96
[27] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brean accessed on 23 November 2016
[28] A.J. Otway-Ruthven, A history of medieval Ireland (Ernest Benn, London, 1980), p. 401
[29] D.B. Quinn, ‘Aristocratic autonomy, 1460-94’, in A New History of Ireland, Vol. II, Medieval Ireland 1169-1534, edited by Art Cosgrove (Oxford University Press, 2008), p. 610
[30] A.J. Otway-Ruthven, A history of medieval Ireland (Ernest Benn, London, 1980), p. 402
[31] D.B. Quinn, ‘Aristocratic autonomy, 1460-94’, in A New History of Ireland, Vol. II, Medieval Ireland 1169-1534, edited by Art Cosgrove (Oxford University Press, 2008), p. 611
[32] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. XIV, 1484-1492 (Stationery Office, London, 1960), pp. 63, 187
[33] Sir Henry Maxwell-Lyte (ed.), The Registers of Robert Stillington, Bishop of Bath and Wells, 1466-1491 and Richard Fox, Bishop of Bath and Wells, 1492-1494 (Somerset Record Society, Vol. LII, 1937), no. 939
[34] Christopher Harper-Hill (ed.), The Register of John Morton, Archbishop of Canterbury, 1486-1500, Vol. II (Canterbury and York Society, 1991), no. 316
[35] Michael J. Hearn (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. XV, 1484-1492 (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1978), Nos. 828, 915
[36] Anne P. Fuller (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. XVII, Part 1, 1495-1503 (Irish Manuscripts Commission, Dublin, 1994), Nos. 1303, 1304
[37] Rev. Aubrey Gwynn, The medieval province of Armagh (Dundalgan Press, Dundalk, 1946), pp. 21, 198; Sir Henry Maxwell-Lyte (ed.), The Registers of Oliver King, Bishop of Bath and Wells, 1496-1503 and Hadrian de Castello, Bishop of Bath and Wells, 1503-1518 (Somerset Record Society, Vol. LIV, 1939), p. xvi; https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Silvestro_de'_Gigli accessed 23 November 2016
[38] Anne P. Fuller (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. XVI, 1492-1503 (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1986), Nos. 696
[39] Sir Henry Maxwell-Lyte (ed.), The Registers of Oliver King, Bishop of Bath and Wells, 1496-1503 and Hadrian de Castello, Bishop of Bath and Wells, 1503-1518 (Somerset Record Society, Vol. LIV, 1939), no. 96
[40] Anne P. Fuller (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. XVII, Part 1, 1495-1503 (Irish Manuscripts Commission, Dublin, 1994), No. 199
[41] Anne P. Fuller (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. XVII, Part 1, 1495-1503 (Irish Manuscripts Commission, Dublin, 1994), Nos. 163, 646
[42] Michael J. Hearn (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. XVIII, 1503-1513 (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1989), No. 412