Saturday, June 24, 2017

Walter de Gnoushale; papal envoy and treasurer of Leighlin

Walter de Gnoushale; papal envoy and treasurer of Leighlin
Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

Introduction

In about 1351 Walter de Gnoushale was treasurer at Leighlin cathedral. He held the position to some unknown date prior to 1363 when John Young was treasurer. Who was Walter de Gnoushale and can we trace his life in the surviving records? The medieval records recount a number of clerics bearing the surname of Gnoushale. The name of Gnoushale possibly came from Gnoushale in Staffordshire.

Ralph de Gnoushale

In the early thirteenth century England a cleric named Ralph de Gnoushale appears in the records. In 1227 Master Ralph de Gnoushale appears as an official in the Diocese of Lincoln. He was possibly the same Ralph de Gnoushale who appears in the 1230s in the Diocese of Salisbury. In August 1230 Master Ralph de Gnoushale, an official in the Diocese of Salisbury, witnessed a deed of confirmation by Robert, Bishop of Salisbury of certain churches and tithes gifted by his predecessors to Abingdon Abbey. In April 1233 Ralph witnessed another deed of confirmation by Bishop Robert of the church of Wrthe to Abingdon Abbey.[1]

Richard de Gnoushale

In about the same time that Ralph de Gnoushale worked in the English church, a cleric named Richard de Gnoushale worked in Ireland. In about 1217 Master Richard de Gnoushale was witness to a charter of Milo le Bret granting 20 shillings in Carricclidan to the Hospital of St. John the Baptist outside the New Gate, Dublin.[2] In 1223 Richard de Gnoushale was archdeacon of Glendalough and prebend of Castleknock in the Diocese of Dublin. A later record in 1228 showed Richard de Gnoushale was still archdeacon of Glendalough at that time.[3]

Another Richard de Gnoushale

In 1278 another Richard de Gnoushale was a monk at Buldewas Abbey in Shropshire. In June 1278 Richard de Gnoushale and Roger de Withinton were nominated as attorneys in England for the abbot of Buldewas who was going overseas.[4]

Walter de Gnoushale

An early reference to a person called Walter de Gnoushale from Gnoushale comes from the ninth year of Edward first. In that year there was appointed at Gnoushale Radulph de Hengham and Reginald de Legh to take the assise of novel disseisin arraigned by Philip son of Walter de Gnoushale against William de Senkewrthe, parson of the church of Gnoushale, touching common of pasture in Gnoushale.[5]

First appearance of Walter de Gnoushale

The earliest known reference to Walter de Gnoushale in the surviving documents is for 1344 but this document carries Walter’s history back to 1332. In 1332 Walter de Gnoushale was in Ireland, working for the papal camera.[6] The exact work that Walter de Gnoushale did for the papacy in Ireland is as yet unknown but it is likely that collecting the papal taxation was the main work. After 1221 collecting taxes was the chief activity of the representatives of the papacy sent to Ireland.[7]  

Government office

The work of collecting papal taxes by Walter de Gnoushale made him see the prospect of working for the government in the same area of activity as a natural extension of his work and as another source of personal income. The levy of procurations was the usual source of income for papal envoys but it was often difficult to collect. This was a small tax levied on the clergy by a papal envoy if he visited a parish or diocese.[8]

Sometime before October 1338 Walter de Gnoushale began canvassing for the job of second chamberlain at the Dublin exchequer. This position was held by Robert de Salkeld since 1334.[9] Walter de Gnoushale lobbied the King and other officials to get the job. On 24th October 1338 Edward III sent a letter to the Bishop of Hereford, keeper of the land of Ireland, that he cause the office of second chamberlain of the exchequer, Dublin, which Robert de Salkeld held, to be committed to Walter de Gnoushale, to hold during pleasure, if he is fit for it, and will find security for his good behaviour therein.[10] It seemed that Walter de Gnoushale was only a step away from a government job but the Bishop of Hereford didn’t think that Walter was “fit for it” and Robert de Salkeld kept the position.

But this failure was not the end of the story and sometime after Walter de Gnoushale renewed his attempts to become second chamberlain at the exchequer. In March 1341 a letter was sent from London to the treasurer and barons of the Dublin exchequer asking for information on the attempt of Walter de Gnoushale to remove Robert Salkeld. The Dublin officials replied that there was no reason why Robert Salkeld, who was appointed during good behaviour, should be removed from office.[11]
Yet within a few months Robert Salkeld was removed from office. His replaced not by Walter de Gnoushale but by William de Puryton. Robert Salkeld appealed for unfair dismissal and received king’s letters reappointing him as second chamberlain. But in June 1344 these letters were revoked when the king learnt that William de Puryton held the job and was highly commended for his work. Robert Salkeld made another appeal for his old job and was partially successful. He was restored as second chamberlain until Trinity term 1349 while William de Puryton kept the office until Easter term 1345. Yet each man worked for a six month period opposite the other.[12]    

Papal dispensation and extension

Meanwhile Walter de Gnoushale continued to work for the papacy in Ireland. Yet here also he was restricted in maximising his earning potential. This was because of his illegitimacy, the exact nature of which is unknown. Sometime before May 1344 Walter de Gnoushale was dispensed by the Pope on account of his illegitimacy so that he could hold three benefices at any one time. On 29th May 1344 an extension to this dispensation was issued by the Pope at Avignon. At that time Walter de Gnoushale was a cleric in the Diocese of Dublin. The reason given for the extension was that Walter de Gnoushale had laboured in Ireland for twelve years in the service of the papal camera.[13]

A canonry in Dublin

On the 29th May 1345 papal letters were issued to Walter de Gnoushale that in consideration of his labours during twelve years in Ireland for the apostolic see, he should be provided with a canonry of Dublin, with expectation of a prebend. The bishop and archdeacon of Kildare were directed to help Walter get this provision.[14] Shortly after Walter de Gnoushale successfully got the canonry in Dublin and held the position for many years. Securing a prebendary was much more difficult.
A canonry in Limerick

But Walter de Gnoushale was not content with just the Dublin canonry and in 1346 petitioned the Pope for a canonry in Limerick and for a further dispensation to be advanced to any grade or dignity. He was still awaiting a prebendary in the Diocese of Dublin.[15] On the 2nd September 1346 a further extension of the dispensation to hold three benefices was issued to Walter de Gnoushale, and a grant of a canonry in Limerick.[16]

Papal nuncio’s representative in Ireland

On 7th April 1348 Master Walter de Gnoushale, canon of Dublin, received letters of protection for two years in England while he lived in Ireland. Master Raymond Pelegrini, king's clerk, canon of London and the Pope’s nuncio in England, Scotland and Ireland, had appointed Walter de Gnoushale as his commissary and vice-gerent in Ireland. The protection was for Walter de Gnoushale and for his men and servants along with goods and things, belonging to Walter and the Pope.[17]

In the thirteenth century the job of representing the papal nuncio in Ireland was usually held by an Italian. By the end of the century this job was usually held by an Englishman. The job was no cushy number. A previous English incumbent in 1254 wrote that he would never again set foot in Ireland on such a mission, even if his commission was doubled. Laurence Somercot even said that he would go to prison than to go to Ireland again.[18]

We don’t as yet have any documentation to say how successful Walter de Gnoushale was at representing the papacy and the papal nuncio in Ireland. His appointment was shortly followed on by the Black Death which disrupted much of the organised life of mid fourteenth century Ireland. Many clerics lost their lives in service of their parishioners and the ability to collect papal taxation must have suffered.

Ireland’s relationship with the papacy in the second half of the fourteenth century was not just in the area of the papal fiscal system but also included the increase number of papal provisions to bishoprics. In the reign of Edward II there were just thirteen papal provisions to Irish sees, yet by the time of Richard II virtually the whole of the episcopate held office by provision of the Pope.[19] This work and the increasing number of clerics “running” to Rome to obtain a benefice or parish provided the papal representative in Ireland with much work.     

The relationship between Ireland and Rome in the second half of the fourteenth century is still an area where little research had been conducted. The activities of papal envoys in Ireland are even less researched.  

Leighlin cathedral

Treasurer at Leighlin

In May 1348 Bishop William St. Leger of Leighlin died at Avignon. He was succeeded by a Franciscan friar, Thomas de Brakenberg. On 5th August 1349 Thomas de Brakenberg received the temporalities of the Diocese from the King’s ministers.[20] Sometime in all this change Walter de Gnoushale was appointed treasurer of Leighlin. The papal nuncio or his chief representative often held a position in some cathedral church. Raymond Pelegrini, papal nuncio to England was archdeacon of Surrey which his successor, Hugh Pelegrini was treasurer of Lichfield.[21]

In the absence of an episcopal register for the Diocese of Leighlin it is difficult to know how active Walter de Gnoushale was as treasurer of the cathedral. We can't even say if he visited the cathedral or just lived elsewhere and received the income of the treasurership in the post.

Further extensions of his dispensation

In April 1351 Walter de Gnoushale, canon of Dublin, and treasurer of Leighlin, got a further extension of dispensation on account of illegitimacy so that he may hold three benefices, and accept any dignity less than the episcopal, he having served the apostolic see in Ireland for eighteen years.[22]

Before July 1351 Walter de Gnoushale petitioned the Pope for a further extension of his dispensation. On 13th July 1351 papal letters were given to Walter de Gnoushale with dispensation to hold any number of compatible benefices. By that time Walter de Gnoushale held a canonry with a prebend in Dublin and the treasurership of Leighlin with a canonry and a prebend.[23]

New treasurer at Leighlin

Walter de Gnoushale held the position of treasurer at Leighlin for an unknown number of years. Sometime before 1363 he was succeeded as treasurer by John Young. In 1360 Bishop Thomas de Brakenberg of Leighlin died and the Diocese of Leighlin was kept vacant for three years. In 1363 the then treasurer of Leighlin, John Young, was elevated to the office of Bishop of Leighlin. John Young served twenty-one years as bishop in which he tried to recover the Bishop’s estates in troubled conditions. In 1376 Bishop Young was plundered of all his property by rebel Irish. John Young was twice Vice-Treasurer of Ireland.[24]

Trouble in Limerick

As noted above, in 1346 Walter de Gnoushale obtained a canonry in the Diocese of Limerick. He worked in the cathedral church and as a clerk for the bishop. He also obtained a benefice in the Diocese. Walter de Gnoushale was still involved in the affairs of the Diocese in 1358 but not always with the high praise for a good job. On 26th June 1358 a government order was sent to Stephen Lawless, Bishop of Limerick, to cause to come before the Justices at Limerick on 30th June 1358 Walter Gnoushale and Peter Godyng, clerks of the bishop, who have been indicted in the King’s court of various enormities, contempt’s and trespasses prejudicial against the King and royal crown. The clerks were to answer to the King concerning these contempt’s and trespasses.[25]

The outcome of these proceedings is as yet unknown. It is also unknown as to the fate of Walter de Gnoushale after 1358. The records after that time do not record his name. It is therefore impossibly to say if Walter de Gnoushale died in Ireland shortly after 1358 or if he returned to England to live out his days. It is also difficult to say for how many years he served as the representative of the papacy and the papal nuncio in Ireland. As John Young was treasurer of Leighlin before 1363 it may be possibly to conclude that Walter de Gnoushale died shortly after 1358 and before 1363. In this dark area of the story we must leave the life of Walter de Gnoushale that has been briefly extracted from the pages of history and let the conclusion for another day.

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[1] Gabrielle Lambrick & C.F. Slade (eds.), Two cartularies of Abingdon Abbey (Oxford Historical Society, New Series, Vol. 33, 1991), vol. 2, pp. 33, 57, 58
[2] Eric St. John Brooks (ed.), Register of the Hospital of St. John the Baptist without the New Gate, Dublin (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1936), no. 345
[3] Henry Cotton, Fasti Ecclesiae Hibernicae: Vol. 2: The Province of Leinster (Hodges and Smith, Dublin, 1848), p. 155; Charles McNeill (ed.), Calendar of Archbishop Alen’s Register c.1172-1534 (Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, Dublin, 1950), pp. 47, 61
[4] Calendar of Patent Rolls, Edward 1, 1272-1281, p. 273
[5] Annual Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records 1889 (London, 1889), p. 114
[6] W.H. Bliss and C. Johnson (eds.), Calendar of Papal Registers Relating To Great Britain and Ireland, Volume 3, 1342-1362 (London, 1897), p. 173
[7] John Watt, The Church in Medieval Ireland (Gill & Macmillan, Dublin, 1972), p. 134
[8] May McKisack, The Fourteenth Century, 1307-1399 (Oxford University Press, 1959), p. 286
[9] Philomena Connolly (ed.), Irish Exchequer Payments, 1270-1446 (Irish Manuscripts Commission, Dublin, 1998), p. 372
[10] Calendar of Close Rolls, Edward III, 1337-1339, p. 544
[11] Philomena Connolly, ‘List of Irish material in the class of Chancery files (Recorda) (C.260) in the Public Record Office, London’, in Analecta Hibernica, No. 31 (1984), p. 9
[12] Philomena Connolly (ed.), Irish Exchequer Payments, 1270-1446, pp. 372, 422, 428; Calendar Patent Rolls, Edward III, 1343-1345, p. 300
[13] W.H. Bliss and C. Johnson (eds.), Calendar of Papal Registers, Volume 3, 1342-1362, p. 173
[14] W.H. Bliss and C. Johnson (eds.), Calendar of Papal Registers Relating To Great Britain and Ireland, Volume 3, 1342-1362 (London, 1897), p. 150
[15] W.H. Bliss (ed.), Calendar of entries in the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland: petitions to the Pope, Vol. 1, 1342-1419 (Stationery Office, London, 1896), p. 119
[16] W.H. Bliss and C. Johnson (eds.), Calendar of Papal Registers Relating To Great Britain and Ireland, Volume 3, 1342-1362 (London, 1897), p. 231
[17] Calendar Patent Rolls, Edward III,1348-1350,  p. 46
[18] John Watt, The Church in Medieval Ireland, p. 135
[19] John Watt, The Church in Medieval Ireland, p. 147, 148
[20] Henry Cotton, Fasti Ecclesiae Hibernicae: Vol. 2: The Province of Leinster (Hodges and Smith, Dublin, 1848), p. 384
[21] W.H. Bliss (ed.), Calendar of entries in the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland: petitions to the Pope, Vol. 1, 1342-1419, p. 720
[22] W.H. Bliss and C. Johnson (eds.), Calendar of Papal Registers Relating To Great Britain and Ireland, Volume 3, 1342-1362 (London, 1897), p. 384
[23] W.H. Bliss (ed.), Calendar of entries in the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland: petitions to the Pope, Vol. 1, 1342-1419, p. 119 ; W.H. Bliss and C. Johnson (eds.), Calendar of Papal Registers Relating To Great Britain and Ireland, Volume 3, 1342-1362, p. 430
[24] Henry Cotton, Fasti Ecclesiae Hibernicae: Vol. 2: The Province of Leinster, pp. 384, 385, 395
[25] Rev. James MacCaffrey (ed.), The Black Book of Limerick (Gill, Dublin, 1907), no. 176; https://chancery.tcd.ie/roll/32-Edward-III/close number 166

Wednesday, June 7, 2017

Walter le Breton of Gloucester and family

Walter le Breton of Gloucester and family

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

After the disappearance of Richard John Bingham, 7th Earl of Lucan, in 1974 it was twenty-five years before his family were granted control of his estate and it was not until 2016 that the Earl was officially declared deceased. In late thirteenth century Gloucester a man disappeared without trace and it was only six years before his family were given control of his estate. This article endeavours to recount the story of that man, Walter le Breton and his family.

Walter le Breton

The early history of Walter le Breton is unknown and he first appears in the records in 1285 on the occasion of his disappearance. Sometime around 1285 Walter le Breton had three messuages in Gloucester according to the Close Rolls.[1] It is not known for certain where these messuages were located in the town and if they were adjoining each other or scattered. In about 1258 a certain Walter Bruton held land beside the former lands of the Jews of Gloucester which Maud, daughter of David Dunning of Gloucester held and which she granted to William de Watford and Alice his wife, Maud’s mother.[2] But it is not certain if this was the location.

The Close Rolls also do not give us any value for the three messuages. A messuage was a general term for a cottage and a garden but they varied in value as they did in size and location. One messuage in Campeden was worth 3d in 1274 while another messuage in the same place was worth 4d. In 1277 one messuage in Tewkesbury was worth 4s.[3] In 1302 Walter le Bret held one messuage and garden at Pychenecombe worth 12d. Elsewhere the abbot of St. Peter of Gloucester had one messuage at La Kingshame paying 6s on rent per year and another paying 8s per year. In 1338 one messuage in Gloucester paid 2s per year in rent while another only paid ½d per year.[4]

Walter le Breton disappears 

In 1285 Walter le Breton disappeared without notice or as the records say ‘he secretly left the parts of Gloucester’. It is not known what the circumstances of his disappearance were. Could have been financial, personal reasons or in trouble with his neighbours or the government. People said that Walter had drowned himself but there was no evidence of this. Yet still there was no sign of him alive or dead at Gloucester or elsewhere in England.

Queen Eleanor seizes Walter’s property

After Walter’s disappearance the bailiffs of Queen Eleanor of Provence (wife of King Henry III) seized the messuages and held them against the claims of Christiana le Breton, sister and heir of Walter. This was against the law and custom of the country as the property was not truly escheats to the crown.[5]

Queen Eleanor had a number of property rights in Gloucester. In January 1288 Queen Eleanor got the right to take timber and rods from the Forest of Dene for the repair to her weir by Gloucester.[6] In February 1289 she got the right to have five oak trees from the Forest of Dene for the repair of the bridge of Gloucester castle.[7]

Eleanor of Provence by Matthew Paris

Restoration to Christiana le Breton and John Sage

On 20th September 1291 an order was issued to Edmund, the King’s brother and co-executor to Queen Eleanor, to cause Christiana le Breton, sister and heir of Walter le Breton, to have seisin of Walter's messuages in Gloucester until Walter returns.[8] The nice thing about this restoration is that in the great scheme of history Walter le Breton may not have moved mountains or become famous beyond the walls of Gloucester. Yet in the time of King Edward, the hammer of Scotland, ordinary people could succeed against the great people of the land like Queen Eleanor. Queen Eleanor was not a popular person, especially in the London area where she was often attacked by the inhabitants.

But the restoration was not automatic and another order had to be issued. On 23rd October 1291 a further order was issued to Walter de Bello Campo, constable of Gloucester castle, to restore to Christiana le Breton and John Sage, nephew of Walter le Breton, the three messuages formerly held by Walter le Breton and illegally held by the constable on behalf of the executors of Queen Eleanor.[9] John Sage was not mentioned in the first order of September 1291 and this omission possible warranted the issuing of the October order.

John Sage

If Walter le Breton figures rarely in the surviving documents, John Sage features in many Gloucester documents over a number of decades. In about 1260 John Sage was a witness to the grant by the Leper’s House of St. Margaret near Gloucester to William of Worcester of all the land outside the north gate which the House had received from Henry the Locker.[10] In about 1262-3 John Sage was a witness to the grant by Richard the Blund to the Leper’s House of St. Margaret near Gloucester of three selions of land in the Hamme near Southbrock.[11] In about 1280 John Sage was a witness to the grant by Adam of Northwich of land in the suburb of Gloucester called Newland to the prior of St. Bartholomew’s.[12]

John Sage, otherwise known as John the Wise

John Sage also went by the name of John the Wise. In about 1270 John the Wise (le Sage) was a witness to a grant by Robert the Mercer of property in Gloucester to Adam of Ardene.[13] In about 1284 John the Wise (le Sage) was a witness to the lease by the prior of St. Bartholomew’s, Gloucester to Nicholas Bagod of a tenement in Great Smith’s Street.[14]

John Sage the cordwainer and business success

John Sage was employed as a cordwainer otherwise known as a corvesor or a person who works with leather. In later times the term cordwainer was dropped in favour of shoemaker.[15] The medieval shoemaker was often an independent artisan retailer who catered for a local market using local supplies of skins and hides. After 1350 the economic and social status of the shoemaker increased but John Sage seems to have been ahead of his time in this respect.[16]

It would appear that John Sage was a successful businessman and had acquired a number of properties in and around Gloucester. In about 1285 John the Wise (le Sage), burgess of Gloucester, made a grant by John Florye and Celestria his wife of two shops between the two bridges of Gloucester. These shops were located between the land and messuage of Robert Florye.[17] Later, on 27th April 1301, John the Wise (le Sage), burgess of Gloucester, made a grant of two shops opposite the gates of St. Bartholomew’s to John Flory, butcher, and Celestria his wife.[18] These shops seem to be the same premises as in 1285.

Property at Brickhampton

In 1280 John Sage of Gloucester acquired a lease on one messuage, one ploughland and eight acres of meadow at Brickhampton and Norton from Hugh de Brickhampton. For this John had to pay Hugh 40 marks plus a rose a year along with two marks per year, 5 quarters of wheat, 2½ quarters of barley, 2½ quarters of beans and 10 quarters of oats.[19]

Property in Grase Lane

In about 1274 prior of St. Bartholomew, Gloucester, made a grant of land near Grase Lane to Henry of Penedok. This land was situated between the land of John Sage and Walter Haym.[20] Elsewhere it is recorded that on the east side of Grase Lane in the time of King Edward II John Sage held a tenement which was previously held by Henry Silvester (temp. Henry III) and by R. Scott (temp. Edward 1). One door further along the Lane John Sage had another tenement formerly held by Henry Silvester.[21] None of these two tenements appear to be associated with Walter le Breton. Elsewhere in Gloucester, between the north gates on the left side towards Dudstone, John Sage the cordwainer held another tenement in the time of King Edward 1 which was held by Henry Tyche in the time of Henry III.[22]

Property in Girdlery

In about 1275-6 Richard Fraunceis, burgess of Gloucester, made a grant of a shop in the Girdlery of Gloucester to Walter of Northampton, burgess. The shop was located between the shop of John Sage and the shop of William Sage. Later, in about 1280, Thomas of Hope and Mabel his wife, daughter of William Cleymund, made of grant of this shop beside that of John Sage, to the prior of St. Bartholomew’s.[23]

Property in Herlone Lane

At about the same time that John Sage became involved in the property of Walter le Breton, he also acquired property from his own family. On 21st September 1295 Walter the Wise (le Sage), son of William the Wise, late burgess of Gloucester, made a grant to his brother John the Wise of all his land in Herlone Lane with houses and bake-houses. This land was situated between the lands of Robert of Cornwall and Walter the Sergeant. On 24th June 1317 John Sage, cordwainer and burgess of Gloucester, made a grant of all this land in Herlone Lane with houses and bake-houses to Dom. Hugh of Neuton, chaplain. On 11th March 1317-8 Hugh of Neuton conveyed the property to John of Thormerton and sold to John of Thormerton all his movable and immovable goods.[24]

View over Gloucester

John Sage as town bailiff

The business success of John Sage not only increased his property portfolio but also increased his standing in the civil life of Gloucester. In about 1280 John Sage was one of the two bailiffs of Gloucester with Walter Seuare. As part of their office the two bailiffs were chief witnesses to a number of land deals in Gloucester in that year.[25]

John Sage in the time of Edward II

In 1311-12 John Sage was a witness to the grant by Adam of Tudenham of land at Leuydiecroft outside the north gate of Gloucester to Alexander the Soiurnaunt.[26] On 22nd April 1318 John Sage was a witness to a grant by Alexander the Soiurnaunt of a tenement in Newland without Gloucester to Robert son of John the White.[27]

John Sage in the time of Edward III

On 12th November 1336 John Sage, cordwainer and burgess of Gloucester, made a grant of a mark of annual rent on a tenement between the north gates of Gloucester to Audoen of Wyndesore, burgess. This tenement was located between the tenements of John of Northwich and William the Cutler.[28]
After 1336 John Sage disappears from the records. He was doubtless an old man by that time and had seen many changes in Gloucester and in his own life over the previous decades. It is not known if he left any family as his property portfolio seems to have passed to other people in later years. Yet as women change their surname on marriage it is possible that these people with other surnames were relatives of John Sage.

As for the three messuages of Walter le Breton their location and history is still difficult to tell. Maybe some future documents may tell some extra information to enlighten the story. The same could be said of the fate of Walter le Breton and his disappearance, although this is possibly more difficult. Yet something of his life before 1285 may come to light – something for another day.  

Bibliography

Calendar of Close Rolls, Edward 1

Elrington, C.R. (ed.), Abstracts of Feet of Fines relating to Gloucestershire 1199-1299 (Bristol and Gloucester Archaeological Society, Gloucestershire Record Series, no. 16, 2003)

Fry, E.A. (ed.), Abstracts of Inquisitions Post Mortem for Gloucestershire, part V, 30 Edward 1 to 32 Edward III, 1302-1358 (London, 1910)

Hollis, D. (ed.), Calendar of the Bristol Apprentice Book 1532-1565, Part 1, 1532-1542 (Bristol Record Society, vol. XIV, 1948)

Kowaleski, M., Local Markets and Regional Trade in Medieval Exeter (Cambridge, 1995)

Madge, S.J. (ed.), Abstracts of Inquisitions Post Mortem for Gloucestershire, part IV, 20 Henry III to 29 Edward 1, 1236-1300 (London, 1903)

Stevenson, W.H. (ed.), Rental of all the Houses in Gloucester A.D. 1455 compiled by Robert Cole (Gloucester, 1890)

Stevenson, W.H. (ed.), Calendar of the Records of the Corporation of Gloucester (Gloucester, 1893)

Wells-Furby, B. (ed.), A catalogue of the medieval muniments at Berkeley Castle (Bristol and Gloucester Archaeological Society, Gloucestershire Record Series, No. 17, 2004), vol. 1

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[1] Calendar of Close Rolls, Edward 1, vol. III, 1288-1296, p. 180
[2] Wells-Furby, B. (ed.), A catalogue of the medieval muniments at Berkeley Castle (Bristol and Gloucester Archaeological Society, Gloucestershire Record Series, No. 17, 2004), vol. 1, p. 466
[3] Madge, S.J. (ed.), Abstracts of Inquisitions Post Mortem for Gloucestershire, part IV, 20 Henry III to 29 Edward 1, 1236-1300 (London, 1903), pp. 82, 104
[4] Fry, E.A. (ed.), Abstracts of Inquisitions Post Mortem for Gloucestershire, part V, 30 Edward 1 to 32 Edward III, 1302-1358 (London, 1910), pp. 15, 21, 276
[5] Calendar of Close Rolls, Edward 1, vol. III, 1288-1296, p. 180
[6] Calendar of Close Rolls, Edward 1, vol. II, 1279-1288, p. 499
[7] Calendar of Close Rolls, Edward 1, vol. III, 1288-1296, p. 5
[8] Calendar of Close Rolls, Edward 1, vol. III, 1288-1296, p. 180
[9] Calendar of Close Rolls, Edward 1, vol. III, 1288-1296, p. 181
[10] Stevenson, W.H. (ed.), Calendar of the Records of the Corporation of Gloucester (Gloucester, 1893), no. 543
[11] Stevenson (ed.), Calendar of the Records of the Corporation of Gloucester, no. 578
[12] Stevenson (ed.), Calendar of the Records of the Corporation of Gloucester, no. 683
[13] Stevenson (ed.), Calendar of the Records of the Corporation of Gloucester, no. 606
[14] Stevenson (ed.), Calendar of the Records of the Corporation of Gloucester, no. 695
[15] Hollis, D. (ed.), Calendar of the Bristol Apprentice Book 1532-1565, Part 1, 1532-1542 (Bristol Record Society, vol. XIV, 1948), p. 203
[16] Kowaleski, M., Local Markets and Regional Trade in Medieval Exeter (Cambridge, 1995), p. 160
[17] Stevenson (ed.), Calendar of the Records of the Corporation of Gloucester, no. 704
[18] Stevenson (ed.), Calendar of the Records of the Corporation of Gloucester, no. 761
[19] Elrington, C.R. (ed.), Abstracts of Feet of Fines relating to Gloucestershire 1199-1299 (Bristol and Gloucester Archaeological Society, Gloucestershire Record Series, no. 16, 2003), no. 840
[20] Stevenson (ed.), Calendar of the Records of the Corporation of Gloucester, no. 638
[21] Stevenson, W.H. (ed.), Rental of all the Houses in Gloucester A.D. 1455 compiled by Robert Cole (Gloucester, 1890), p. 62
[22] Stevenson (ed.), Rental of all the Houses in Gloucester A.D. 1455 compiled by Robert Cole, p. 90
[23] Stevenson (ed.), Calendar of the Records of the Corporation of Gloucester, nos. 648, 662
[24] Stevenson (ed.), Calendar of the Records of the Corporation of Gloucester, nos. 735, 823, 826, 827, 828
[25] Stevenson (ed.), Calendar of the Records of the Corporation of Gloucester, nos. 684, 685, 686
[26] Stevenson (ed.), Calendar of the Records of the Corporation of Gloucester, no. 797
[27] Stevenson (ed.), Calendar of the Records of the Corporation of Gloucester, no. 829
[28] Stevenson (ed.), Calendar of the Records of the Corporation of Gloucester, no. 882