Monday, September 25, 2017

Lismore medieval churches

Lismore medieval churches

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

A visitor to Lismore in County Waterford would find ‘scarcely a stone remains upon a stone to mark all those great schools and cloisters, founded by St. Carthage.’[1] Five ancient gravestones, now inside the present St. Carthage’s cathedral, are the few stones remaining.[2]

Foundation of Lismore

The founder of the monastery of Lismore was St. Carthach, also spelt as St. Carthage. He was born in County Kerry and established a monastery for monks and nuns at Rahan in Offaly. But the monastery was not liked by the neighbouring monasteries and St. Carthach was told to leave the area. After the expulsion of St. Carthach from his earlier foundation of Rahan in Offaly, the abbot and his followers went south by way of Cashel. At Ard Brennuin on the River Suir, later renamed Ard Finnan, he met Mael Ochtraig, king of the Deisi, and was offered a site by the River Blackwater in the area of Magh Sciath where he built a lios and church – the foundation of Lismore.[3] Magh Sciath means the plain of the shield. Another older name for Lismore is Dunsginne which means fort of the flight – possibly the flight of St. Carthach.[4]

Giving permission to St. Carthach to establish a monastery at Lismore served to act as a buffer against the bordering kingdom of Uí Liatháin and Fermoy. The monastery would also serve as an economic centre beside the navigable Blackwater and along ancient route-ways like the Rian Bó Phádraig.[5]

St. Carthach only lived about two years at Lismore before his death in 638 but the monastery he founded grew in size and acquired a reputation as a centre of learning over the following centuries. But in the ninth century Viking raids of plundering and burning seriously affected the fabric of the Lismore monastery. There were plunderings in 833, 915 and 962 with serious fires in 833, 883. Further fires occurred in 978, 1095, 1113.[6] In 1207 the Annals of Inisfallen recorded that an accidental fire consumed the city of Lismore and many its parish churches.[7] By 1111 Lismore was recognised as one of new dioceses that were established in Ireland with the monastery of Lismore providing the episcopal seat.[8]

Fabric of the monastery

Little remains of the fabric of the monastery at Lismore. The foundation story says:

Coemell, a holy woman, was on Magh Sciath to meet Carthach and his community when they arrived from Rahan. ‘What do you wish to do here, o servants of God?’ ‘By God’s will, we plan to build a small atrium here around our possessions,’ answered Carthach. ‘It will not be a small atrium but a large one,’ said the holy woman. Carthach replied, ‘It will be so, what you say … For from that name this very place will forever be called Lismore [lios mór] in Irish, in Latin Atrium Magnum.’[9]

An old writer said the place was ‘full of cells and holy monasteries’, yet few remains can be found.[10] In the 1740s there was said to be up to twenty churches in and around Lismore besides the cathedral. Charles Smith recounts in 1746 that many people then living could remember the ruins of several churches but by that time the churches were just a heap of rubble.[11] Joseph Hansard seems to contradict this in 1870 when he said the ruins of seven churches could be discerned.[12] Along with the churches there were other buildings like St. Bridget’s leper hospital and cells for the monks and possibly a round tower for which the location of all these buildings is unknown.

The cathedral

The most ancient building now standing at Lismore is the cathedral. This building was destroyed by fire and plundering over the centuries and at other times left fall into ruin. In 1166 the ‘great church’ at Lismore was blessed and this may have been the present cathedral. The fabric of the cathedral is much changed and altered over the centuries with different styles of architecture. Reconstruction and alterations took place in 1207, 1633 and 1815.[13]

Romanesque doorway at the north transept of the cathedral

The stone church of 1051

It is likely that there were many churches of varied size interspersed and surrounded by individual cells for the monks and nuns as Lismore was a duel monastery. Many of these buildings were possibly built of wood which was very exposed to destruction in the many burnings which occurred. Although stone buildings could also suffer from fire as in 1115 when the stone church at Ard Brecain was burnt and it full of people.[14] By 1051 there was at least one stone building at Lismore. In that year Fáelan son of Báetán son of Brecc was killed by his cousin and newly elected king of the Deisi, Máel Sechlainn ua Bruicc, in the stone church at Lismore.[15] The Annals of Ulster called the stone church, a daimliac.[16] At what time this stone church was built before 1051 is unknown.[17]

Oratory of Máel Ísu ua Brolchain

In 1086 an eminent poet, Máel Ísu ua Brolchain, died at Lismore and was buried there. There is a suggestion that an oak church, dairtech, was dedicated to Máel Ísu but this church could also have been located in Armagh from where Máel Ísu came – the source is not clear on the exact location.[18] In 1116 the oratory of Máel Ísu and part of Lismore was burnt.[19]

Cormac Mac Carthaig churches

In 1127 Cormac Mac Carthaig, King of Desmond, was deposed as king and entered the monastery of Lismore. In that same year he two churches built at Lismore and another at Cashel (the famous Cormac’s chapel). The Book of MacCarthy said it was twelve churches that he built at Lismore but this is said to be a copyist’s error.[20]

The synod church of 1166

In 1166 a synod was held at Lismore which was attended by twelve bishops from Leth Moga, Munster and Leinster and presided over by the papal legate. While there a new church blessed by the bishops. A major fire at in Lismore in 1157 could have occasioned the building of the new church.[21] It is not clear if this was the cathedral church or some church in the monastery area.

Church of St. John

In 1180, Felix, Bishop of Lismore, while on his return from the Lateran Council stayed at the abbey of St. Thomas in Dublin. As a gift of thanks and to keep in favour with the new Anglo-Norman regime Bishop Felix gave the church of St. John at Lismore to this Abbey, on condition that the Canons of St. Thomas should give yearly to Lismore ‘two wax candles, each weighing two pounds’.[22] The abbey of St. Thomas was founded in 1177 by Fitz Aldelin de Burgo.

Christ Church

In 1597 George Sherlock, son of Peter Sherlock of Waterford, leased many properties from the government that were formerly owned by religious monasteries. One of these properties was ‘an old church called Christ Church with the cemetery adjoining it’ for 4s per year in rent. The church was described as the ancient inheritance of the crown.[23]

The tomb of the bishops

In 1205, Laurence, Bishop of Cloyne, ended his days at Lismore and was buried in the Bishop’s cemetery, Reilig Espoc. This is said to be located on the left side of the avenue leading to the present Lismore castle.[24] This was possibly the same tomb of the bishops where Ceallach, coarb of St. Patrick at Armagh, was buried in 1129.[25]

St Mary’s Church - Religmuire

This church is only marked on the 1927 edition of the OS 6-inch map as adjacent to the back avenue of Lismore castle and near to the original St Carthach's well. An archaeological excavation near the site in 2010 uncovered evidence of medieval settlement and of burials. It is said that the Romanesque arch at the entrance to Lismore castle came from this church but the arch could have come from any of the ancient churches of Lismore. Near the church was a holy well, called St. Carthach’s well, which was venerated until about 1900 when the stream it served was diverted from its course and the forge well (renamed St. Carthach’s well) on the right side of the street heading towards the bridge became the new venerated holy well.[26]

Romanesque archway at Lismore castle

Conclusion

There is a rich religious heritage in and around Lismore but destruction over the centuries and reconstruction of the town in the last four hundred years has removed all traces of the medieval buildings. Archaeological investigations should discover some remains but to date little in the way of certain structures have been found apart from burials near a suggested church (St. Mary’s church site only since 1927) site. Some early plans or maps may help pin down the old monastery of Lismore as the present street pattern is a late eighteenth century construction and it is hard to see the circular enclosure that is more obvious in places like Kells in County Meath.[27] Yet even in the days of the monastery, the Lismore churches proved difficult subjects. In the 1140s a cleric at Lismore took objection to the new idea crossing Europe of placing a substantial stone altar against the east wall of the church. At a public debate with St. Malachy, Archbishop of Armagh, the Lismore cleric lost the argument.[28] The Second Vatican Council in the mid twentieth century repositioned the altar in Roman Catholic churches and so maybe the Lismore churches may reposition themselves at some future date from obscurity into the public eye.
  
Bibliography

Annals of Loch Cé
Annals of Ulster
Gough, M., St. Carthage’s Parish Church Lismore 1884-1984, Centenary Souvenir (Lismore, 1984)
Grattan Flood, W.H., ‘Lismore under the Early Anglo-Norman Regime’, in the Journal of the Waterford & South East Archaeological Society, volume V, 1899, pp. 131-145
Grattan Flood, W.H., ‘Lismore in the 13th Century’, in the Journal of the Waterford & South East Archaeological Society, volume V, 1899, pp. 207-221
Hansard, J., History of Waterford, edited by Donal Brady (Dungarvan, n.d.)
Ó Carragáin, T., Churches in early medieval Ireland (New Haven, 2010)
O’Keeffe, T., ‘Lismore and Cashel: reflections on the beginnings of Romanesque architecture in Munster’, in the Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquarians of Ireland, Volume 124 (1004), pp. 118-152
Pollock, D., ‘Lismore castle gardens, Lismore: Medieval settlement and graveyard’, in I. Bennett (ed.) Excavations 2007: summary account of excavations in Ireland, 2007 (Dublin, 2008) No. 1829
Sanderlin, S., ‘The monastery of Lismore, A.D. 638-1111’, in Nolan, W. & Power, T.P. (eds.), Waterford History and Society (Dublin, 1992), pp. 27-48
Smith, C., The ancient and present state of the County and City of Waterford, edited by Donald Brady (Dungarvan, 2008)

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[1] Gough, M., St. Carthage’s Parish Church Lismore 1884-1984, Centenary Souvenir (Lismore, 1984), p. 5
[2] Sanderlin, S., ‘The monastery of Lismore, A.D. 638-1111’, in Nolan, W. & Power, T.P. (eds.), Waterford History and Society (Dublin, 1992), pp. 27-48, at p. 44
[3] Sanderlin, S., ‘The monastery of Lismore, A.D. 638-1111’, pp. 27-48, at pp. 27, 28
[4] Smith, C., The ancient and present state of the County and City of Waterford, edited by Donald Brady (Dungarvan, 2008), p. 27
[5] Sanderlin, S., ‘The monastery of Lismore, A.D. 638-1111’, pp. 27-48, at pp. 29, 30
[6] Sanderlin, S., ‘The monastery of Lismore, A.D. 638-1111’, pp. 27-48, at p. 41; Annals of Ulster, 832 gives year when Lismore was burnt and not 833
[7] Grattan Flood, W.H., ‘Lismore in the 13th Century’, in the Journal of the Waterford & South East Archaeological Society, volume V, 1899, pp. 207-221, at p. 209
[8] Sanderlin, S., ‘The monastery of Lismore, A.D. 638-1111’, pp. 27-48, at p. 44; Annals of Ulster, 832 gives year when Lismore was burnt and not 833
[9] Sanderlin, S., ‘The monastery of Lismore, A.D. 638-1111’, pp. 27-48, at p. 44
[10] Hansard, J., History of Waterford, edited by Donal Brady (Dungarvan, n.d.), p. 229
[11] Smith, C., The ancient and present state of the County and City of Waterford, Edited by Brady,  p. 29
[12] Hansard, J., History of Waterford, edited by Brady, p. 230
[13] Hansard, J., History of Waterford, edited by Brady, p. 230
[14] Annals of Loch Cé, 1115
[15] Annals of Loch Cé, 1051; Sanderlin, S., ‘The monastery of Lismore, A.D. 638-1111’, pp. 27-48, at p. 42
[16] Annals of Ulster, 1051
[17] Ó Carragáin, T., Churches in early medieval Ireland (New Haven, 2010), p. 110
[18] Sanderlin, S., ‘The monastery of Lismore, A.D. 638-1111’, pp. 27-48, at p. 43
[19] Annals of Loch Cé, 1116
[20] O’Keeffe, T., ‘Lismore and Cashel: reflections on the beginnings of Romanesque architecture in Munster’, in the Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquarians of Ireland, Volume 124 (1004), pp. 118-152, at pp. 120, 121 
[21] O’Keeffe, T., ‘Lismore and Cashel: Romanesque architecture in Munster’, in the Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquarians of Ireland, Volume 124 (1004), pp. 118-152, at p. 121
[22] Grattan Flood, W.H., ‘Lismore under the Early Anglo-Norman Regime’, in the Journal of the Waterford & South East Archaeological Society, volume V, 1899, pp. 131-145, at p. 138; Smith, C., The ancient and present state of the County and City of Waterford, edited by Brady, p. 29, note 33
[23] Tudor Fiants: Fiants of Elizabeth, no. 6169
[24] Grattan Flood, ‘Lismore in the 13th Century’, in the Journal of the Waterford & South East Archaeological Society, volume V, 1899, pp. 207-221, at p. 208
[25] Annals of Ulster, 1129
[26] Pollock, D., ‘Lismore castle gardens, Lismore: Medieval settlement and graveyard’, in I. Bennett (ed.) Excavations 2007: summary account of excavations in Ireland, 2007 (Dublin, 2008) No. 1829
[27] Ó Carragáin, Churches in early medieval Ireland, p. 264, fig 258
[28] Ó Carragáin, Churches in early medieval Ireland, p. 196

Tuesday, September 12, 2017

Baynam family in fifteenth century Gloucestershire: a brief account of life and suspect documents

Baynam family in fifteenth century Gloucestershire: 
a brief account of life and suspect documents

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien



Introduction

In the first two decades of the fifteenth century Robert Baynam was landlord of a modest estate at Mitcheldean, also known as Great Dean (Dean Magna) and Little Dean near the Forest of Dean in Gloucestershire. The manor of Mitcheldean had come into the Baynam family by 1334 when Ralph ap Eynon, later changed to Baynam, had married Joan, eldest daughter of William of Dean. Ralph Baynam died by 1366 and his widow kept the manor and gave a £10 rent to her son, Thomas Baynam. The latter died in 1376 when the rent was confirmed to his widow, another Joan. By 1384 Joan of Dean was still alive and her daughter Margaret, wife of William of the Hall, was said to be her heir but by 1395 her share of the manor passed to her grandson, John Baynam, a minor.[1]

Robert Baynam

By 1418 John Baynam was deceased and the new landlord of Mitcheldean was his son, Robert Baynam. As a landlord who lived among his tenants Robert Baynam had the time to attend personally to his tenants even with other distractions. Other medieval landlords with property scattered across one or more counties sometimes struggled to give good estate management. In June 1422, as Robert Baynam celebrated the birth of his son, Thomas Baynam, he found time for estate business.

Mitcheldean High street

Estate business or suspect officials

On the day of the birth Robert Baynam sold to Richard Garon a white horse with a black foot for 5 marks and on the same day Robert Baynam gave a lease of 21years to Richard Kemyll of a bovate of land at Mitcheldean at a rent of 6s 6d per year. On the same day of 1st June Robert Baynam hired William Willys to build him a new grange in a tenement at Mitcheldean.[2] Of course these transactions were not just ordinary estate business. Instead they had an important long term influence as twenty-one years later the two Richards and William would remember the special day when called to give evidence for the proof of age of baby Baynam.

Yet as exacting as reading this estate business is, we must be suspect that this estate business ever happened as the near exact events happened in another proof of age in 1441 in Shropshire.[3] Since the beginning of the twentieth century scholars have looked upon the proof of age documents with a very suspicious eye and a sad realisation that many of the proofs may contain factitious information. It would seem that the escheator had a template of events that the jurors could use to help their memory or that the inquisition of proof of age, taken on the day, was lost before it got to the Chancery office. In the Baynam case there was six months between the issuing of the writ to take the inquisition and the supposed date of same.[4] 

The Baynam estate beyond the suspect documents

Aside from the suspect chancery documents the economy of Mitcheldean in the early fifteenth century was a mixture of farming, wool production and iron making with furnaces and nail makers. The wool industry had many skilled workers like weavers, fullers and shearmen. The produce of the area was carried out to market by road and two nearby navigable rivers. Although Mitcheldean had a Monday market and a three day fair the trade was local in nature.[5]

Robert Baynam beyond the estate

Beyond estate business Robert Baynam was involved in the social life of the gentry class in Gloucestershire and had relations with some of the more important people in the county’s political scene. In about March 1436 Robert Baynam was a party to the agreement of Guy Whittington (M.P. for Gloucestershire, 1420-1432) with the prior of Llanthony whereby Whittington entrusted the prior with £106 13s 4d to be kept safe until suitable land could be found for purchase settlement on his own eldest son, Robert Whittington.[6]

On 12th September 1436 Robert Baynam died leaving a son called Thomas as his heir. Robert’s property in Gloucestershire was examined by twelve jurors at Newent on 22nd October 1436. The inquisition post mortem that they drew up listed property in Mitcheldean and Little Dean.[7] The area of Mitcheldean and Little Dean formed part of the manor of Dean, with Abenhall, in the Domesday Survey and lay near the great Forest of Dean. It was owned by three thanes in 1066 and by 1086 William Fitz Norman was the owner.[8]
   
Robert Baynam held two thirds of the manor of Mitcheldean (the other third was the dower lands of his mother) along with an annual rent of 26s 8d at Little Dean from the free tenants there. All this was held of the king as of his castle of St. Briavels for a quarter knight’s fee and the service of paying 11s to the castle at Michaelmas only. Within Mitcheldean Robert Baynam had 40 acres of arable land worth 4d per acre; 12 acres of meadow worth 2s each along with 16 acres of pasture worth 12d per acre. There was at that time 100 acres of fallow land worth 1d per acre along with 200 acres of waste land which was worth nothing. Robert received rents worth £6 5s 9d payable at Christmas and Midsummer in equal parts. The pleas and perquisites of court were worth 2s per year beyond the steward’s fees and expenses.[9]  
   
Mitcheldean church 

Thomas Baynam, minority

Thomas Baynam, son and heir of Robert Baynam, was only 14 years, 5 months and 2 days old when his father died.[10] Thus the estate was taken into the king’s hand. In November 1436 Guy Whittington (a former associated of Robert Baynam) took out an Exchequer lease of the property at Mitcheldean and Little Dean during the minority of Thomas Baynam, Robert’s son and heir.[11] On 12th February 1438 William Browning was appointed to have the marriage of Thomas Baynam. For this grant Browning paid 100 marks to the Exchequer.[12] Also in 1438 the crown presented the rector to Mitcheldean church as the Baynam family held the advowson, although the Greyndour family who held part of Mitcheldean manor claimed a share of the presentation. For the parishioners of Mitcheldean it possibly mattered little as in 1442 the rector got leave to be absent from the parish for three years.[13]
   
Proof of age of Thomas Baynam and the suspect memory

On 13th July 1443 a writ was issued to hold a proof of age inquisition for Thomas Baynam who claimed to be twenty-one years old on 1st June 1443. Yet it took a few months before the inquisition was held and on 21st January 1444 at Gloucester twelve people came to support the idea that Thomas Baynam was of age.

The jurors then gave their reasons for knowing that Thomas Baynam was of age. William Pricke (aged 52) carried Thomas Baynam in his arms to and from Mitcheldean church. In the church Sir John Estcourt (aged 55, possibly John Estcourt of Shipton Moyne who succeeded there by 1438), saw Rev. Richard Wethyr, parish rector, lift Thomas from the font. Meanwhile Guy Dobyns (aged 49) went all the way to Longnor in Shropshire to fetch Joan Karles and bring her to Mitcheldean to lift Thomas Baynam from the font but apparently he was late coming back if the cleric had to do the job. But his evidence appears suspect as the journey to Longnor was used previously in a 1441 Shropshire proof and the distance involved between Mitcheldean and Longnor (about 65 miles) would be too much to cover going and coming on the same day. In 1441 it was John Poynour (49) who went to Longnor for Joan Karles so she could go to Pontesbury church to raise baby Henry Grey from the font.[14] While this was going on Walter Bayly (aged 73) remembered the day as he carried chrism to the font for the baptism. Also in Mitcheldean church on 1st June 1422 was Sir Thomas Rous (aged 70) to see his daughter Katherine married John Yong.[15]

Other jurors like Thomas Hoke (aged 70) said he knew because his son Edward was born on the same day at Mitcheldean while John Mody (aged 62) remembered that day in 1422 as he was espoused to Alice Payn. Elsewhere two other jurors remembered the day because of accidents. John Venne (aged 62) was gravely wounded in the shin by an arrow shot by Richard Bonynton (it was a holiday and people were expect to practice archery) while John Halle (aged 55) fell from a black horse at Mitcheldean and broke his arm.[16]

Yet after the delight of reading all these events occurring in Mitcheldean in 1422 we must look with sadness upon them when all these events happened in Shropshire in 1441 with just different names used. Historians are so dependent upon surviving documents and then when those documents prove false it becomes a real question of what documents speak the truth. If we didn’t have the 1441 Shropshire proof of age then the Baynam proof of age would be accepted a face value. In college we are taught to ask what the purpose of the creation of a document was as we interpret the information contained within. For the Baynam family and the medieval Chancery clerks the proof of age was created simply to get Thomas Baynam out of his minority situation and to gain possession of his father’s estate. For us of the twenty-first century reading the lives of ordinary medieval people is of interest but that is not what the document was created for. It was made for a purpose and succeeded in its job.

Doorway to Mitcheldean church 

Dating evidence to prove or disprove

If the recall of memory appears to be just the work of a chancery clerk who lost the original inquisition taken at Gloucester could the dating evidence help to prove or disprove the evidence. The jurors said that Thomas Baynam was born at Mitcheldean on the feast of St Nichomedis (1st June 1422) and was baptised on the same day in the local church.[17] The inquisition post mortem of Thomas’s father, Robert Baynam, was taken on 22nd October 1436 at which time it was said that Thomas Baynam was 14 years, 5 months and 3 days old – a very precise age.[18] Other inquisitions post mortem taken before and after Robert Baynam only report the age of the heir as 5 years and more, 14 years and more, 29 years and more, and 40 years and more.[19] If we subtract the precise age of Thomas in 1436 we get a date of birth of 19th May 1422, some thirteen days before the jury of 1444 said i.e. 1st June 1422. It is very possible that Thomas’s baptism was recorded in a church missal or some other book to give such a precise date. Maybe by 1444 the book was damaged and the exact date was therefore not available to the Gloucester jurors or the Chancery clerks and so they went for an approximate date.

Yet doubts over the Baynam proof are perhaps only modern in origin. It appears that the escheator and King Henry VI accepted all the ‘evidence’ given as true though with possible questions as it was another six months before Thomas Baynam was declare fully to be of age and in July 1444 was given seisin of his father’s estate.[20]

Thomas Baynam’s half century of life

After succeeding to his estate in 1444 Thomas Baynam went onwards to develop the estate and for time to become involved in the administration of Gloucestershire. On 30th September 1450 Thomas Baynam, while serving as escheator Gloucestershire, conducted an inquisition into the manor of Teynton in which it was found to be held in chief to the king. The manor was claimed by Edmund Ferrers as heir male to his deceased brother William Ferrers. Edmund subsequently petitioned the king to enter the manor without paying the entry fine. Henry VI granted entry without fine on account of Edmund’s poverty.[21]
   
On 9th January 1456 Thomas Baynam was witness to a deed of feoffment by John Joce of land in various locations, including within the Forest of Dean, to five other men. From this feoffment Joce was establishing an endowment for a chantry in Llanthony priory after his death which occurred sometime before February 1466.[22]
   
In 1471 Thomas Baynam became a justice of the peace for Gloucestershire and he enjoyed this honour until his death in 1500.[23] In 1476 Thomas Baynam was made sheriff of the county.[24] In 1478 Thomas Baynam became warden of the Forest of Dean and constable of St. Briavel’s castle and position he held until 1483.[25]
   
With these honours and responsibilities Thomas Baynam also found time for marriage. His bride was Margaret, daughter of Sir John Hody, M.P. for Shrewsbury (1421-27), Dorset (1431) and Somerset (1433-37).[26] This marriage produced a son, Alexander Baynam who succeeded his father at Mitcheldean in 1500. Meanwhile by 1471 Thomas Baynam got married a second time with Alice Walwyn as his new wife.[27] Alice Walwyn was an heiress of the Greyndour family and thus the marriage united the two parts of Mitcheldean manor into the control of the Baynam family.[28]

Over the years Thomas Baynam expanded his property portfolio from his initial very modest size estate at Mitcheldean. He ultimately became lord of Abenhall; Clearwell in Newland; Hathaways in Ruardean and Aston Ingham. He also acquired Putley and Bykerton in Herefordshire.[29] Thomas Baynam also inherited the manors of Clearwell, Noxton and Nasse (held of the abbot of Flaxley) from his second wife Alice Walwyn as heir of the Greyndour family.[30] Using his acquired income Baynam invested in property elsewhere. Thus he became mortgagee to seven manors in Somerset.[31]

Having seen the coming and going of the War of the Roses with the end of the Plantagenet dynasty and the birth of the Tudor monarchy Thomas Baynam died in 1500 after a long and eventful life.[32] The Baynam family continued to hold Mitchelsdean and the other estates. In the military survey of Gloucestershire in 1522 Sir Alexander Baynam was lord of the manor of Mitchelsdean (worth £20) while George Baynam was lord of Abdenhall (worth £15).[33]

End of the road

In the reign of another dynasty king, James I, a descendant of Thomas Baynam, also called Thomas Baynam, left only daughters as his heirs. One of these daughters, Cecily, married William Throgmorton of Tortworth and thus Clearwell passed to the Throgmorton family.[34] Meanwhile the manor of Mitcheldean continued in the Baynam family until 1619 when Alexander Baynam sold it to Nicholas Roberts of London and Stanton Harcourt.[35]

Conclusion

At the beginning of the fifteenth century Robert Baynam inherited a modest estate from his father, John Baynam, which was mostly acquired by marriage in the 1340s. Robert Baynam kept the estate in its modest size for his underage son to inherit while out traveling in Gloucestershire gentry society. After the suspect start to his tenure with a dodgy proof of age, the son, Thomas Baynam expanded the estate by purchase and marriage while at the same time fulfilling official duties in the government of the shire. Thomas Baynam managed to negotiate his way through the Wars of the Roses without too much damage and emerge in the full light of the new Tudor age. Thus the Baynam family survived the fifteenth century and grew in standing.


Bibliography

Calendar of Close Rolls, Henry VI, 1441-1447
Calendar of Patent Rolls, Henry VI, 1436-1441
Calendar of Patent Rolls, Henry VI, 1446-1452
Collins, A., The Baronettage of England: Being an Historical and Genealogical Account of Baronets from their first Institution in the reign of King James I, Volume 1 (London, 1720)
Holford, M.L. (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, volume XXVI, 21 to 25 Henry VI, 1442-1447 (Boydell Press & National Archives, 2009)
Noble, C. (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, volume XXV, 16 to 20 Henry VI, 1437-1442 (Boydell Press & National Archives, 2009)
Holford, M.L., Mileson, S.A., Noble, C.V. & Parkin, K. (eds.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, volume XXIV, 1432-1437 (Boydell Press & National Archives, 2010)
Hoyle, R.W. (ed.), The military survey of Gloucestershire, 1522 (Gloucester Record Series, Vol. 6, 1993)
Parkin, K. (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, volume XXII, 1 to 5 Henry VI, 1422-1427 (Boydell Press & National Archives, 2009)
Rhodes, J. (ed.), A calendar of the Registers of the Priory of Llanthony by Gloucester 1457-1466, 1501-1525 (Bristol & Gloucestershire Archaeological Society, 2002)
Taylor, C., An analysis of the Domesday Survey of Gloucestershire (Bristol, 1889)

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[2] Holford, M.L. (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, volume XXVI, 21 to 25 Henry VI, 1442-1447 (Boydell Press & National Archives, 2009), no. 145
[3] Noble, C. (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, volume XXV, 16 to 20 Henry VI, 1437-1442 (Boydell Press & National Archives, 2009), no. 612
[4] Parkin, K. (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, volume XXII, 1 to 5 Henry VI, 1422-1427 (Boydell Press & National Archives, 2009), pp. 33, 34, 35
[7] Holford, M.L., Mileson, S.A., Noble, C.V. & Parkin, K. (eds.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, volume XXIV, 1432-1437 (Boydell Press & National Archives, 2010), no. 598
[8] Taylor, C., An analysis of the Domesday Survey of Gloucestershire (Bristol, 1889), pp. 25, 204, 317
[9] Holford & others (eds.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, volume XXIV, 1432-1437, no. 598
[10] Holford & others (eds.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, volume XXIV, 1432-1437, no. 598
[12] Calendar of Patent Rolls, Henry VI, 1436-1441, p. 132 at www.uiowa.edu/patentrolls
[14] Noble, C. (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, volume XXV, 1437-1442, no. 612
[15] Holford (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, volume XXVI, 1442-1447, no. 145
[16] Holford (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, volume XXVI, 1442-1447, no. 145
[17] Holford (ed.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, volume XXVI, 1442-1447, no. 145
[18] Holford & others (eds.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, volume XXIV, 1432-1437, no. 598
[19] Holford & others (eds.), Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, volume XXIV, 1432-1437, nos. 590, 591, 599, 604
[20] Calendar of Close Rolls, Henry VI, 1441-1447
[21] Calendar of Patent Rolls, Henry VI, 1446-1452, pp. 413-4 at www.uiowa.edu/patentrolls accessed on 24th May 2013
[22] Rhodes, J. (ed.), A calendar of the Registers of the Priory of Llanthony by Gloucester 1457-1466, 1501-1525 (Bristol & Gloucestershire Archaeological Society, 2002), nos. 91-2
[23] Rhodes (ed.), A calendar of the Registers of the Priory of Llanthony by Gloucester, p. 47, note 1
[24] Rhodes (ed.), A calendar of the Registers of the Priory of Llanthony by Gloucester, p. 47, note 1
[25] Rhodes (ed.), A calendar of the Registers of the Priory of Llanthony by Gloucester, p. 47, note 1
[26] https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Hody-9 accessed on 10th September 2017
[28] http://stmichaelmitcheldean.co.uk/guidem.html accessed on 10th September 2017
[29] Rhodes (ed.), A calendar of the Registers of the Priory of Llanthony by Gloucester, p. 47, note 1
[31] Rhodes (ed.), A calendar of the Registers of the Priory of Llanthony by Gloucester, p. 47, note 1
[32] Rhodes (ed.), A calendar of the Registers of the Priory of Llanthony by Gloucester, p. 47, note 1
[33] Hoyle, R.W. (ed.), The military survey of Gloucestershire, 1522 (Gloucester Record Series, Vol. 6, 1993), p. 73
[34] Collins, A., The Baronettage of England: Being an Historical and Genealogical Account of Baronets from their first Institution in the reign of King James I, Volume 1 (London, 1720), p. 296