Monday, September 30, 2013

Molana Abbey in County Waterford, Ireland

Molana Abbey, County Waterford

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien


Irish monastery

The foundation of a Christian community on Dairinish (the Oak Island) was made by St. Molanfide in the sixth century.[1] Some writers have suggested the year 501 as the foundation date but I have yet to find the source of this and so will leave the sixth century stand for the present.

Statue representing St. Molanfide erected in early 19th century by Gracie Smyth

St. Molanfide, also written as Mealanfaith (the Little {or dear} Tonsured Prophet) was said to be of the race of Ugaine Mor, monarch of Ireland.[2] Ugaine Mor was a pre-historic king who reign sometime between 634 BC and 246 BC depending on which source you prefer to read.[3]

St. Fachnan Mongach was Abbot of Molana in the second half of the sixth century. He is accredited with founding another Irish monastery at Ross Carbery.[4] Rev. Canon Patrick Power disputes this foundation at Rosscarbery as a misreading of the texts.[5]

In the eighth century there appeared in Gaul a series of documents called the Collectio Hibernensis. These documents captivated the church authorities and influenced church discipline in Europe for the next four hundred years. The collection brought together the laws as written in the Bible with additions from synods held in Africa, Europe and Ireland.[6] One of the authors of these documents was Rubin Mac Connadh, the scribe of Munster and monk of Dairinish.[7] Rubin Mac Connadh died in 725.[8]

In the early eighth century Molana and Lismore became centres of a reforming movement in the Irish church known as Céle Dé. Abbot Fer-dá-Crích of Dairinish was an important leader in the movement. Some religious leaders felt that the monasteries were thinking too much about acquiring economic wealth and were meddling too much in politics. The Céle Dé people wanted monasteries to return to purely religious activities. Into this came a young cleric called Mael Ruain who received his early education at Dairinish under Abbot Fer-dá-Crích. Abbot Fer-dá-Crích died in 747.[9]

After the death of Fer-dá-Crích, Mael Ruain travelled north with the late abbot’s bell and came to the present County Dublin area where he founded a monastery at Tallagh around 769. Here Mael Ruain drew up a rule for the Céle Dé movement so that all the monasteries which supported reform would adopt the same ideas for monastic living.[10] The movement gained some prominence in the eighth and ninth centuries but met with little success in returning monasticism back to a purely religious life and away from political dealing and the accumulation of economic wealth.[11]

The limited success of the Céle Dé did not deter religious life at Dairinish. The monastery continued under a new abbot. This abbot could have been Abbot Daniel Ua Aithmet of Dairinish who died in 777 or another individual before Abbot Daniel.[12]

But in 786 a great storm flooded the island and the community had to leave their island home.[13] Once the waters had receded the community returned to Dairinish and began again.

In 819 the chronicles record the death of Flann of Dairinish.[14] It is presumed that he was abbot of Dairinish-Molanfide but the records are silent on this fact.

In the same year of 819 the Annals of the Four Masters record the plunder of Dairinish by the Danes. Canon Patrick Power disputed this claim and suggested the entry referred to a place in Wexford.[15] A.T. Lucas gives this Wexford place as Dairinis Caemhain in his study on the plundering and burning of churches in medieval Ireland.[16]

Canon Power remarked that it would be strange if Dairinish was not attacked at the time that Clashmore was attacked. Dairinish was better situated than Clashmore for attack and possibly more wealthy than Clashmore.[17]

In 829 Abbot Subneus died while on a visit to Armagh.[18] A few years later in 833 Lismore and Kilmolash were plundered by the Vikings.[19] As in other times, there is no mention of Dairinish in these plundering raids. In another article I mentioned the possibility that the kingdom of Ofhearghusa, in which Dairinish was situated, may have been an ally of the Vikings. [http://celtic2realms-medievalnews.blogspot.ie/2013/09/knockanore-in-cork-or-waterford-in.html]

Augustinian house

For the next two centuries the annals are silent on the affairs at Dairinish. At the Lateran Council in 1139 it was decreed that all the old religious monasteries across Europe should adopt one of the two or three standard monastic rules. Many of the Irish monasteries, including Dairinish, adopted the rule of St. Augustine. From this time on the abbey is referred to both as Dairinish and Molana. Over the succeeding centuries there was a gradual movement towards just Molana as the name of the abbey.

A view westwards from the choir into the nave. The nave is the oldest part of the abbey and likely the pre-Norman church of the Irish monastery.

The Norman invasion and aftermath

Following the Norman invasion of Ireland in 1169 the invaders took secular and ecclesiastical control over much of Ireland. It is said that Raymond ‘le Gros’ FitzWilliam Fitzgerald refounded Molana Abbey. I hope to address this story and the claim that he was buried at Molana in a future article.

The area around Molana did not come under Norman control until the late 1180s. In the division of the Déisi kingdom the Normans installed Anglo-Norman clerics in the Diocese of Waterford while leaving much of the Diocese of Lismore in the hands of Irish clerics. Thus Molana remain in Irish hands for a few decades after the invasion but not for long.

In 1204 a great pestilence ravaged the country. The community at Ailean Mail Anfaid was severely damaged with the death of many senior monks including the death of Abbot Niall O Ligda.[20] It is possible that the Normans took advantage of this calamity to install Anglo-Norman clerics in Molana. 

Molana possessions apart from in Ofhearghusa

Before we continue with the story of Molana Abbey in Ofhearghusa and medieval County Cork, we include a brief commentary on possessions of Molana apart from the Blackwater.

Property in County Kerry

In south County Kerry, on an island called Abbey Island is a place called Aghamore. Here a small abbey was founded by monks of St. Bairre (St. Finbarr of Cork) in the seventh century. Other sources say the monastery was founded by St. Finnian Cam who could well be one of the Cork monks.[21] Another writer said the monastery was dedicated to St. Finnian Cam.[22]

The subsequent history of Aghamore is unknown. It adopted the Augustinian rule in the twelfth century in line with other Irish monasteries. At what time the place became a dependency of Molana abbey is unknown. Aghamore is near Derrynane, home of Daniel O’Connell and the O’Connell family have a vault within the abbey grounds.

Some parts of the abbey have fallen into the sea but the east window still exists. Archaeological excavations carried out in 1985 discovered a circular wall, a well and a shell midden just to the west of the abbey buildings. A green glazed pottery piece of the thirteenth/fourteenth century was found in the shell midden. The substantial wall appears to represent a boundary wall around the abbey but the limited excavation could not demonstrate its stratigraphical relationship to the abbey buildings.[23]

The name of Aghamore sometimes leads writers to think that Molana had some property in the old ecclesiastical site of Ardmore. But this is a case of misrepresentation. It is interesting that both Molana and Aghamore were located on islands. These locations remind a person of such other island places like Lindisfarne, St. Michael’s Mount in Cornwall, and Skellig Michael. It was possibly the island location which first attracted Molana Abbey to Aghamore.

Property in County Limerick

In September 1267 the abbot and convent of Molana granted half the revenue accruing to the church of St. Mochua at Darragh (Darmocho) in the south-eastern corner of County Limerick to the bishop of Limerick. The return for Molana for this grant is not stated.[24] The present lack of documents also prevents us for ascertaining when, and from whom, Molana acquired the revenues of Darragh.

A document from 1418 lists the procurations due from each parish in the diocese of Limerick. The patron of each parish was also mentioned. Thus we find Molana Abbey as the patron of the rectory of Kilfinan in the deanery of Kilmallock while George de Roche presented the vicarage. The procuration value was 10 shillings. Also in the same deanery was the rectory of Darmocho (Darragh) which was held by Molana while the bishop of Limerick presented the vicar.[25]

These churches do not appear in the extent of Molana’s possessions in 1541. The impression given is that the churches were sold by 1541 but it could also be that the 1541 documents do not record all the possessions of the abbey.[26]

Molana Abbey in the thirteen century

When we return to Molana abbey in the late thirteenth century we find the Anglo-Norman monks to be in control. In the late thirteenth century the leader of Molana was as often referred to as a prior as to an abbot. This would suggest that the pre-Norman independence of the abbey was reduced under Norman rule. The use of the title of prior places the abbey under an outside abbot, usually the local bishop which in this case was the Bishop of Lismore.

In May 1287 the community at Molana sent Brother Gilbert de Insula to England to announce to the king that Brother Peter de Insula had resigned as abbot. Brother Gilbert was to return with a licence from the king to elect a new abbot. On 6th June 1287 Brother Gilbert received the licence to elect at Westminster.[27] The community subsequently elected Brother Peter as abbot.

Sometime before 3rd July 1290 Abbot Peter died. In July 1290 Brother Thomas le Fleming was sent to England to announce the death of Abbot Peter to the king and to get a licence to elect a new Prior. The king granted the licence to elect on July 10th with a number of conditions. The new abbot was to be a devout person and fit to rule the abbey. He was also to be faithful and useful to the king in Ireland. To spare the abbey labour and expense a special grace was given to allow the justiciar of Ireland to receive the fealty of the new abbot. On receiving that fealty the temporalities of the abbey would be restored.[28] A monk by the name of Philip was elected abbot. Gwynn and Hadcock said the new abbot was called Philip O Fartyr.[29]

Brother Philip remained as abbot until about August 1296 when he resigned. William, a canon of the abbey, travelled to England to announce the resignation to the king. At Berwick-upon-Tweed on September 5th William received the licence to elect a new abbot. The following day the king wrote to John Wogan, justiciar of Ireland, about the impeding election and setting out the conditions of the election which were similar to that given in 1290. As in 1290 the justiciar could give the royal assent following the oath of fealty.[30] Canon Patrick Power says that Brother Philip Fury was elected the new abbot.[31]

Molana disappears from the records during much of the fourteenth century until, in 1441, when Thomas Mc Grath was the abbot.[32] It is possible that the wars and plagues of the fourteenth century coupled with the resurgence of the Irish caused the Anglo-Norman monks to decline in number. The McGrath family were a growing power in west Waterford and east Cork during the fifteenth century.

The leader of Molana Abbey was from 1441 onwards referred to as an abbot. The subservient position of prior that we saw in the late thirteenth century was no longer and Molana was again an independent house.

View from the first floor level of the abbot's house down to the ground floor. The door to the right gives access to the presbytery of the church. 

Molana in the fifteenth century

On 26th September 1441 the bishop of Valua, the abbot of Molana and the archdeacon of Lismore were mandated by Pope Eugenius IV to collate and assign the rectory of Dungarvan (value not exceeding 100 marks sterling) to John Stack, canon of Limerick. John Stack was previously dispensed as a son of a deacon and an unmarried woman to receive all kinds of canonries and prebends. At Limerick John Stack held a canonry and prebend of Effin (valued at 15 marks) and was lately given the archdeaconry of Limerick (valued at 60 marks) but these positions were not to be restrictions on John Stack getting Dungarvan as an additional benefice.[33]

On 28th October 1441 the abbot of Molana was ordered by Pope Eugenius IV to judge the merits of a petition to the pope by John Stack, canon of Limerick. John Stack wanted to remove the cure and burdens of the rectory of Dungarvan while at the same time elevating the rectory into a prebend of the cathedral church at Lismore. By this action a new canonry would by created in Lismore cathedral with the revenues of the rectory used to support John Stack as the new canon. John Stack claimed that as there were few canonries and prebends in Lismore cathedral the elevation of Dungarvan into a prebend would increase divine worship in the cathedral.[34]

On 5th April 1449 the abbots of Mothel, Inislounaght and Molana received a papal mandate to judge the case of Gillatius Okeyt and the deanery of Lismore. Gillatius had challenged the incumbent Dean Philip Wood and they went to law over the position. They settled out of court with Gillatius paying Philip a pension in return for the deanery. This caused Gillatius to be excommunication for simony. The three were to rehabilitate Gillatius and collate the deanery (valued at 16 marks) to him.[35]

Conflict with the abbot of Molana Abbey

In 1450 Abbot John Makennri was accused by Donal O’Sullivan, a clerk in the diocese of Ardfert and the illegitimate son of unmarried parents, of irregular dealings.[36] Abbot John was accused of committing simony and perjury; that John was a public and notorious fornicator and that he had dilapidated, alienated and uselessly consumed the possessions of the monastery, and was much defamed about these matters in the lower Blackwater valley. Pope Nicholas V directed the archdeacon of Clonmacnoise and two others to cause Donal O’Sullivan to be received as a canon of Molana and to receive his profession.

Because Donal O’Sullivan felt he had no hope of obtaining justice in the city and diocese of Lismore, he could accuse John before the archdeacon in another place. If the archdeacon found the accusations to be “enough for the purpose to be true”, he was to deprive and remove Abbot John. The archdeacon then had power to make provision of Molana, value not exceeding 30 marks sterling, to Donal O’Sullivan. The archdeacon was to cause Donal O’Sullivan to be blessed by any catholic bishop, without prejudice to the bishop of Lismore, to whom Molana was, by ordinary right, subject and be promoted to all, even holy orders and rule and administer the monastery without challenge.[37]

Doorway on the west side within the abbot's house leading to the stairway to the first floor level.

Molana Abbey continues to act as a papal judge

The result of the challenge against Abbot John is not fully known. Things seem to have returned to normal and after a few years Molana was again acting as a papal judge in ecclesiastical affairs. On 1st July 1458 the abbots of Molana and Mothel along with the bishop of Orvieto were instructed to collate and assign the archdeaconry of Lismore (value not exceeding 24 marks sterling) to Thomas O’Shanahan in succession to whoever they though was the previous incumbent.[38]

On 2nd June 1461 the abbot of Molana along with the precentor and treasurer of Lismore were mandated to judge the recent petition of Dermit Oleyn against Nicholas Hewed for the chancellorship of Cloyne. Dermit had accused Nicholas of nearly every crime in the book and thus would not get a fair hearing in Cloyne. The three Lismore clerics were to judge the case. Their judgement is not known but William Hewed was still the chancellor in 1470 when a new challenger petitioned the pope with the same accusations.[39]

On 3rd July 1462 a papal mandate was sent to the abbots of Molana and Mothel along with the prior of Cahir concerning the chancellorship of Lismore. The office of chancellor was so long void that few could remember the last incumbent although Philip Occarrygyn had detained it for eight to ten years. The three judges were to give the position to John White, perpetual vicar of Clonmel while keeping his vicarage position.[40]

On 13th July 1462 a papal mandate was sent to the abbot of Molana concerning the status of Robert Freyn, canon of Lismore. Robert had previously been publicly excommunicated but had taken part in divine service in contempt of the bishop. The abbot of Molana was to meet Robert Freyn and his accuser, William Wynscydayne. If true the abbot was to give William the canonry and prebend of Kilbarrymeaden (valued at 6 marks).[41]

A period of abbey renewal

At the start of the 1460s Molana Abbey entered a period of growth and renewal. The abbey had a great number of canons who daily gave to the needy and poor people of the surrounding countryside. The canons performed these duties while many of their buildings were in a state of ruin due to various misfortunes in previous years. The abbey revenue was too poor to make the necessary repairs. On 29th July 1462 an indulgence was granted to those visiting the abbey of St. Molanfide or giving alms on the feasts of the Annunciation of St. Mary the Virgin (25th March) and the feast of Saints Peter and Paul (29th June).[42]

These two feast days gave a clear signal to the local Christian community that Molana was a renewed abbey growing in religious well-being. Both feast days were days of renewal with the Annunciation signally the coming of the son of God into the world. The feast of Saints Peter and Paul was a Christian dedication based on Roman gods of Romulus and Remus who were credited with founding Rome. The Christian saints signalled a new foundation of Rome as a Christian city.

We are not told how responsive the local Christian community was to this indulgence. The present ruins would suggest that the abbey got sufficient money to do the needy repairs and keep the abbey in operation.

Further work as a papal judge

On 3rd August 1462 the abbot of Molana, along with two other judges, was to examine the case of Matthew McNamara and the canonry and prebend of Donokmore, diocese of Limerick. Gilbert Arthur occupied the prebend, which was worth 8 marks sterling, and had great power in the diocese of Limerick. Matthew’s desire to have the canonry and prebend was very much restricted by an event many years previous. When as a boy studying letters Matthew killed Rory Okeruil after the latter had kicked Matthew’s horrible boil which he had, causing Matthew to lose his temper and threw a knife at Rory. Rory live for a while but died later. Matthew made sincere apologies to Rory’s parents but the cloud still hung over Matthew. The three were to rehabilitate Matthew and assign the prebend to him.[43] 

Enhanced prestige for the abbot of Molana

On 5th August 1463 John O’Hedyan, archdeacon of Cashel and John abbot of Molana were appointed joint nuncios and collectors and receivers-general of the fruits due to the pope in the four provinces of Armagh, Dublin, Tuam and Cashel. They were to have the usual privileges and powers and to render an account to the pope’s treasurer-general every three years.[44] It is not known if this elevation for Molana Abbey helped to increase pilgrimage and revenue to the abbey. The absence of any estate accounts from the abbey makes such evaluations impossible to conclude with certainty.

View eastwards into the choir and presbytery of Molana Abbey church. The great east window is nearly all gone with only fragments of the piers remaining.

Further duties as a papal judge

Instead we are mostly left with references to Molana abbey in the papal records at Rome. These records continue to record the abbot of Molana as judge in many cases of church discipline and preferment to benefices. On 24th March 1463 the abbot of Molana along with the treasurer of Lismore and a canon of Lismore were ordered to judge if David Miach, archdeacon of Cork, was an open and notorious fornicator as accused by John O’Kelly of the diocese of Clonfert. If true, the three judges were to remove David and assign the archdeaconry (value not exceeding 30 marks sterling) to John O’Kelly.[45]

In 1463 Abbot Thady O’Morrissey of Mothel abbey was appointed prior of St. Catherine’s Outside the Walls of Waterford. Mothel was then unlawfully detained for the next two years by Maurice O’Ronan on the pretext that he was assigned as abbot by the Bishop of Lismore. The pope ordered that Donald O’Byrne, a clerk, should be made abbot if found to be a fit person.[46]

On 16th July 1463 the abbot of Molana along with the archdeacon and precentor of Lismore were mandated to cause Donald O’Byrne to become a canon in Mothel Abbey and afterwards to be elected abbot of Mothel. The abbey of Mothel was valued at 35 marks.[47]

On 23rd June 1467 the abbot of Molana and two canons at Lismore were to judge a recent petition of John Fitzmaurice Fitzgerald, diocese of Cloyne, against Thomas Ohelathaygh for the precentorship of Cork.[48] On 18th April 1469 the abbot of Molana along with the abbots of Mothel and the Suir were mandated to judge the correct incumbent for the prebend of Disertmore, diocese of Cork against two claimants.[49] Later on 29th May 1469 the abbot of Molana along the abbots of Inislounaght and Mothel were mandated to judge the proper incumbent to the vicarage of Kylkydy, diocese of Limerick, the patron of which was the prior of Athassel.[50]

Expansion ideas of Molana Abbey

The period of renewal at Molana continued throughout the 1460s. The added prestige of having the abbot as papal nuncio gave a strong sense of confidence among the community. The abbey chapter saw the need to expand the abbey’s sphere of influence beyond the four parishes bordering the lower River Blackwater. Before 18th March 1466 Abbot John of Molana (of noble parents) petitioned the pope about the surreptitious appointment of Edmund Archer as prior of the monastery of St. Edmund, King and Martyr at Athassel, Co. Tipperary. Abbot John said that Edmund had undervalued the priory at his appointment which meant the position was still vacant. Abbot John said he could operate both Molana and Athassel as they were near each other and the extra income from Athassel would help the slender resources of Molana. Pope Paul II said that owing to war the fruits of Athassel could not be easily valued but the abbot of Fermoy and two canons of Cloyne were to judge the case.[51]

Sometime before February 1468 the abbot and convent of Molana petitioned the pope to be granted the rectory of Ballingarry in the diocese of Emly in perpetuity. On the 18th February 1468 a papal mandate was sent to the abbot of St. Mary's, Fermoy, in the diocese of Cloyne to judge the case. The abbot of Molana said if the rectory was united to the said monastery in perpetuity, the said abbot and convent could be better maintained. The abbot said that the values of the said rectory and monastery did not exceed 6 and 40 marks sterling respectively.

The rectory became void by the resignation of Eugenius Yconnyrych to William, bishop of Emly, Gerald Roche, the lay patron, consented to its being united to the said monastery, but that the said abbot and convent did not take possession of it. Meanwhile Magonius Oconnyrych, priest, of Limerick, took de facto possession of it around 1465. The abbot feared of the power of Magonius, and the excessive favours bestowed on him by the said bishop William of Emly, that they had no hope of obtaining justice in the city and diocese of Emly. Pope Pius II directed that if the abbot of Fermoy found the facts to be as stated, and if the said patron consented, he was to unite the said rectory to Molana in perpetuity.[52]

Molana Abbey held the rectory of Ballingarry, barony of Coshlea, County Limerick, for a number of years as shown in a papal mandate of 26th January 1476. The document also shows that Magonius Oconnyrych still held the vicarage of Ballingarry without title in 1476. In that year John MacBrien of the diocese of Emly lodged a claim for the vicarage.[53] As the parish of Ballingarry does not appear among the parishes held by Molana at the dissolution it is possible that the parish was sold in the intervening years or just not recorded as suggested earlier for other property of Molana in County Limerick.

The door on the left accessed the chapter house where the administration business of the abbey was done. The door on the right accessed the parlour where the monks could talk and relax. Photo taken from the cloister area facing towards the east range.

Trouble within the four parishes

The efforts of Molana Abbey to expand out of its traditional base did not mean the abandonment of management at home. Sometime before 7th April 1469 Molana Abbey petitioned the pope for the recovery of the Tallow vicarage. The vicarage was occupied by Raymund Staccabul for about eight years without title. The previous vicar appointed by Molana, William Nurruyn, was long since dead (pre 1461). The petition of Molana said that its fruits etc. were so slight that they could not decently maintain themselves, or have the buildings repaired and keep hospitality. Molana said that the rectory of Tallow church was canonically united to the said monastery, and that the values of the said vicarage and monastery did not exceed 6 and 40 marks sterling respectively. The abbot of Inislounaght was to examine the case and if the facts were correct, unite the vicarage to Molana in perpetuity. Thereafter Molana could appoint, and remove at pleasure, its own canons as vicars to Tallow.[54]

It would appear that Molana was successful in recovering control over the Tallow vicarage as no further petitions are made concerning it. The other parishes of Templemichael, Kilcockan and Kilwatermoy do not feature in the papal records and we can assume that Molana had unchallenged authority in these parishes.

Further roles as papal judge

On 7th December 1470 the abbots of Molana and Mothel along with the archbishop of Cashel were to reconfirm the ordinary collation of the vicarage of Kinsalebeg along with the canonry and prebend of Modeligo made to John Oboan. John Oboan had petitioned the pope because he was concerned about the legality of his appointment.[55]

On 24th May 1471 the abbot of Molana, along with two canons of Killala, was mandated to assign the vicarage of Adraguil, diocese of Killala to Eugene O’Conor of Killala.[56] It is unlikely that the abbot would travel to Mayo to fulfil this mandate. It is more probable that his name was included by the claimant on the understanding that the abbot would not show up and that his friends in Killala would help him get the vicarage without difficulty.

On 2nd May 1475 the abbot of Molana and the archbishop of Patras were made convenient judges to confirm Dermit Ohynarathy in the vicarage of Killufin, diocese of Killaloe while continuing to hold the vicarage of St. Mary Magdalene, diocese of Limerick.[57]  Later on 1st June 1475 the abbot of Molana was mandated along with the abbot of Mothel and the archbishop of Patras to ensure that Edmund Mandeville, precentor of Lismore, received the £12 yearly pension given to him from the episcopal lands of Lismore by Pope Sixtus IV.[58]

On 4th April 1475 the abbot of Molana along two others from the cathedral of Lismore were mandated to judge the case of Thomas Oranayn, treasurer of Lismore, who continued to say masses after having been excommunicated for simony. James Cantwell, son of a bishop, brought the accusations against Thomas Oranayn and petitioned for treasurership of Lismore even as he was getting the treasurership of Cashel. Pope Sixtus IV said James Cantwell could hold both positions if he successful removed Thomas Oranayn.[59]  

Continued expansion plans by Molana Abbey

The earlier mixed results of expansion by Molana Abbey encouraged the abbey chapter to spread its wings further rather than staying where they were. Sometime before 17th April 1475 Abbot Leonard of Molana petitioned the pope to be granted the fruits of four parishes in north-east Cork held by the priory of St. Catherine outside the walls of Waterford and one parish in County Waterford held by the priory at Cahir. Abbot Leonard stated that the abbey was very impoverished with buildings falling into ruin but that the religious life of the canons was improving with increases in daily worship. Molana would experience great relief if it could get the said parishes for the life of Abbot Leonard. The prior of Bridgetown and a canon of Cloyne were to judge the matter.[60] Their decision is unknown but as the parishes do not feature in the 1541 extents of Molana it must be taken that their efforts were unsuccessful.

Molana neglects its duties to outlining parishes

The growing religious community at Molana, its better management of the four home parishes and its desire to expand beyond its traditional heartland suggests success with Molana Abbey in the 1460s and 1470s. But all was not well with the abbey, particularly with the management of its ancient parishes in Counties Limerick and Kerry.

In a papal mandate, dated 1st January 1476, we learn that Molana Abbey held the rectory of the parish church of Urgarry (Uregare) in the diocese of Limerick. Philip Yronan, clerk and bachelor of decrees in the diocese of Limerick, claimed that Molana had let the rectory to farm from time immemorial. Because of neglect by those who held Urgarry to farm the roof of the church was gone. The walls of the exposed church were suffering damage along with the ecclesiastical ornaments and rain washed the altar. The cemetery was also in a disgraceful condition. Philip Yronan claimed he could repair Urgarry church, and two other ruined churched held by other monasteries, while paying the customary cess to Molana Abbey. The souls of the parishioners, so long neglected, would be improved.[61]

By a papal letter, dated 15th April 1479, we learn something about the chapel of Aghamore in south Kerry which was the property of Molana Abbey. The chapel, which is about sixty miles from Molana, was served by canons from the abbey or local secular clerks. But for several years before 1479 Donald O’Sullivan, a canon of Molana, held the chapel against the will of Abbot Leonard. Donald O’Sullivan used the fruits of the chapel for his own uses and publicly kept a concubine while seldom or never celebrating mass. This was very likely the same Donal O’Sullivan who challenged Abbot John’s management of Molana in 1450.

Another Donal O’Sullivan then came upon the scene. This man was a clerk of the diocese of Ardfert, and claimed that if he was given the fruits of the chapel for life, he would restore the title of Molana Abbey and cause masses and other divine services to be held within the chapel. The bishop, treasurer and a canon of Ardfert were to judge the case of O’Sullivan verses O’Sullivan.[62] The result is unknown but Molana still held Aghamore in 1541.

Activities of the abbot in the 1480s

On 24th May 1480 the abbot of Molana was asked to collate and assign the canonry and prebend of Kilrossanty (valued at 14 marks) to Maurice Fitzgerald and remove the occupier, William Ocoman.[63]   
On 21st July 1481 the abbot of Molana was asked to collate and assign the canonry and prebend of Donaghmore, diocese of Cloyne (value 14 marks), to Thomas Ohelahy and remove the occupier, Donatus Ohelahy. The prebend was so long vacant that people had forgotten the circumstances.[64]

Molana continued the expansion dream into the 1490s

On 5th February 1491 a papal mandate was sent to three canons of the church of Cloyne to judge the petition of John, abbot of Molana. Abbot John had petitioned the pope that the perpetual vicarages of the parish churches of Kilmacdonogh (occupied by Maurice Odayll), Garryvoe (occupied by St. Mary’s, Youghal), Kilcredan (occupied by St. Mary’s Youghal), Kilmahon (occupied by Walter Coth) and Knockmourne (occupied by William Aulan) were vacant. The combined value of the vicarages was put at less than 39 marks. Abbot John wished that the parishes be joined to his monastery in commendam for John’s life.[65]

In March 1489 Cornelius Ocothy was said to occupy the prebendal vicarage of Kilmacdonogh, diocese of Cloyne (valued at 18 marks), which Gerald Barry, priest, petitioned the pope for title. Abbot John said Kilmacdonogh was illegally occupied by Maurice Odayll and that it was attached to St. Mary’s collegiate church of Youghal.[66] Another papal letter of 15th February 1490 said the parishes of Kilmacdonogh, Kilcredan and Garryvoe were given, with the consent of the chapter of Cloyne, to the collegiate church of St. Mary. St. Mary’s claimed that Maurice Odayll and Gerald Barry were illegal occupiers of Kilmacdonogh.[67] In March 1483 the abbey of St. Thomas the Martyr, Dublin, claimed ownership of Garryvoe.[68]

On 7th March 1489 Thady Okywe, canon and prebendary of Cloyne, claimed the vicarage of Kilcredan (value 4 marks) which he said was vacant but illegally occupied by Philip Ohuyr.[69] By a document of 1st June 1492 we learn that William Hanlan was perpetual vicar of the parish of Knockmourne (in lay patronage and valued at 12 marks) for “some time”.[70] 

Abbot John’s failed efforts and the laughter of the Cloyne clerics

While Abbot John was attempting to increase the revenue and power base of the abbey he got a papal mandate, dated 3rd February 1491, to act along with two canons of Lismore to the petition of Cornelius Cronan for the united perpetual vicarages of Aglish and Kilmolash. The three judges appointed Cornelius Cronan to the united vicarages but the legal title was questioned. On 17th May 1492 a new mandate was issued to the dean of Cloyne and two canons of Cloyne to collate and assign the two parishes to Cronan. One of these canons was William Hanlan, vicar of Knockmourne who must have taken pleasure at sorting out Abbot John’s mess in the Cronan case.[71]

The refectory (dining hall) on the south side of the cloister where the monks chewed on the success and problems at Molana Abbey.

Cloyne clerics counter-attack Molana’s expansion plans in the Diocese of Cloyne

In the spring of 1492 the clergy of Cloyne made efforts to gains control of Molana Abbey to reply to Molana efforts to gain control of the various Cloyne parishes previously mentioned. In a papal letter, dated 13th May 1492, we are told that the position of abbot of Molana was vacant although John Ohaekyeryn, a canon of Molana, detained the abbot’s job. The canons of Molana, aided and encouraged by the Cloyne clerics, had written to Rome for a new abbot. Edmund Maurice Fitzgibbon was recommended but the pope had no knowledge of the nineteen year old’s merits or suitability. The dean of Cloyne was conveniently mandated to admit Edmund Fitzgibbon as a canon at Molana and collate the canonry and prebend of Guylleyne to him. The monastery was then valued at 60 marks per year while the prebend was worth 10 marks.

The dean of Cloyne was to appoint Fitzgibbon as abbot even if he had not taken the habit or made his profession. Though Molana was subject to the bishop of Lismore by ordinary law, Fitzgibbon was to have full authority over the abbey. The pope’s will was that Fitzgibbon would take the habit within a month of gaining peaceful possession or resign.[72]

The Cloyne clergy continued their advancement into Molana affairs. On 15th May 1492 a papal mandate was issued to the dean of Cloyne and two canons of Cloyne relating to Molana. Conrad Roche, a canon of Molana Abbey and possessor of the canonical portion of Killaloan parish, diocese of Lismore, had petitioned the pope for the position of priory of Bridgetown priory, OSA, diocese of Cloyne. The late prior, Maurice Yrlhaythyll, had died and the position of prior was subsequently detained by Nicholas, Bishop of Lismore. Bridgetown priory was valued at 100 marks per annum.[73] The Roche family were important landowners around Bridgetown priory and Conrad may have been from the area.

Molana gets further involved in promoting family appointments

On 19th January 1497 the abbot of Molana along with the abbot of Mothel and a canon of Emly were asked to judge in favour of Jordan Purcell, cleric of Cork, to receive the canonry and prebendary of Kilrossanty in the diocese of Lismore (valued at 8 marks). John Fowler the incumbent of the canonry wished to resign in favour of Jordan. Jordan’s father, John Purcell, Bishop of Lismore, wished his son to have the canonry and prebend. The three were to collate and assign the prebend to Jordan Purcell if proper procedure was observed.[74]  

The office of abbot comes under renewed attack

Sometime before February 1498 John Yhacgeryn, a canon of Molana, claimed to have been appointed abbot of Molana by apostolic authority. He then had care, rule and administration of the abbey for a period of time. But Donat McNamara and Edmund Fitzgibbon, clerics of the dioceses of Lismore and Cloyne, respectively, claimed that the monastery rightly belonged to them. Before various judges the two cited John’s authority and had him removed and silenced. The judges firstly appointed Donat and then Edmund to the position of abbot.

John Yhacgeryn appealed to the pope and apologised for not challenging Donat and Edmund in the lower courts because of certain murders and mutilations that were committed by some in defence of the monastery. On 26th February 1498 Pope Alexander VI mandated the abbot of Midleton to judge that matter. The abbot of Midleton was to free John of all disabilities and summon all three to a hearing with witnesses. If John Yhacgeryn were found suitable he was to be made abbot of Molana, which was valued at 40 marks sterling. All others were to obey John’s administration. Before proceedings were to begin, John Yhacgeryn was to cede the rule and administration of Molana to the abbot of Midleton.[75]

Sometimes officials in Rome could get confused about life in distant lands. On 8th March 1496 a papal mandate was issued to the abbots of Suir and Molana and the official of Lismore to judge on a petition relating to a claim for the precentorship of Lismore. But the claimant was Alexander Monereiff of St. Andrews in Scotland and the Lismore referred to that of Lismore on the west coast of Scotland.[76] It is unclear if Monereiff arranged this error or whether he was taken aback when the postman arrived!

More work as a papal judge

On 13th April 1499 the abbot of Molana was directed to appoint Gerald Fitzjohn Fitzgerald, a fourteen year old, as precentor of Lismore after removing the incumbent Walter Mandeville. Gerald was not to get the full rights of precentor until he was eighteen years old but still it made the whole affair a bit unbecoming.[77]

On 1st January 1503 the abbot of Molana along with the dean of Lismore and a canon of Lismore were mandated to judge a claim to a canonry and prebendary in the diocese of Cloyne. The prebend was that of Kilmacdonogh (valued at 24 marks) which Molana had unsuccessful claimed in 1491. This time Philip White, cleric of Cloyne, was petitioning against the occupier Richard Gerald Fitzwilliam Fitzgerald.[78]

In December 1508 the abbot of Molana (of the island of St. Molanfide) along with the abbot of Mothel were mandated to judge the conditions of a petition to Pope Julius II by Thomas Mecra for a canonry in Lismore cathedral and the prebend of Modeligo along with two pieces of property in the parish of Whitechurch.[79]

Dissolution

The papal records for the period 1520 to 1540 are (2013) as yet unpublished. Therefore we know little of the happenings at Molana in that time. We don’t know if the abbey held special celebrations for the one thousand years of Christian worship on the island. When next we meet the abbey it is in 1541 at the end of its religious days.

The causeway connecting the once island of Molana to the mainland. The abbey is in the group of trees in the middle distance while the River Blackwater is to the right of the photo on the other side of the bank.

In 1541 the inquisition jurors found that the abbey site contained a church, cloister and conventual buildings along with a cemetery, garden and meadow. The jurors said the buildings were necessary for the farmer and should remain standing. The buildings were worth 2 shillings.

Away from Dairinish the abbey held over 380 acres, three salmon weirs, a water mill and four rectories. In peaceful times this property would be valued at £26 15 shillings 4 pence but owing to rebellions much of the property was in waste and thus only valued at 72 shillings.[80]

The farming estates were at Rincrew (50 acres plus tithes) valued at 33 shillings 4 pence but waste in 1541; Kilnecanaghe (100 acres) valued at 66 shillings 8 pence but in waste; Donmoone (50 acres) valued at 33 shillings 4 pence but again in waste, and an unidentified place with 180 acres valued at 20 shillings but like other parts of the Molana estate in waste in 1541.

The rectories and associated property was Templemichael rectory plus the tithes of 2 mills and 6 weirs; Kilcockan rectory plus land valued at 6 shillings 8 pence but waste in 1541; Kilwatermoy rectory and Tallow rectory which was worth 40 shillings when leased but in 1541 was in waste and unoccupied.[81]

Post-Reformation Molana

After the dissolution of Molana the site and estate were granted by the crown to the Earls of Desmond. But following the First Desmond Rebellion the crown took back Molana and gave it in 1572 to John Thickpenny, the victualler of the English army in Munster. In 1584 a proposed grant of the abbey to the town of Youghal was considered by the Council of Ireland but not implemented.[82] John Thickpenny died in 1583 and his widow was deprived of Molana in 1586. In that year Sir Walter Raleigh acquired Molana along with his other 42,000 acre grant from the crown. In about 1587 Thomas Hariot came to live at Molana Abbey following the publication of his book, A Briefe and True Report of the New Found Land of Virginia. The Hariot family lived at Molana for several periods until 1597.[83]

After a number of owners Molana came to Sir Richard Boyle in 1608.[84] Boyle gave the estate to his nephew Sir Percy Smyth of Ballynatray and Molana continues to be an integral part of the Ballynatray estate to this day.

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The Abbots and Priors

St. Molanfide in sixth century
Abbot Fachnan Mongach in late sixth century[85]
Abbot Fer-da-crich before 747[86]
Abbot Daniel before 777[87]
Abbot Flann before 819[88]
Abbot Subneus before 829[89]
Prior Peter de Insula resigned as abbot in 1287[90] [Canon Patrick Power gives his name as John de Insula][91]
Prior Peter until 1290[92] [Canon Patrick Power gives his name as Philip][93]
Prior Philip until resigned in 1296[94]
Prior Philip Fury in 1296[95]
Abbot Thomas MacGrath in 1441[96]
Abbot John MacEniry in 1450[97]
Abbot John in 1462[98]
Abbot Leonard in 1475 and 1479[99]
Abbot John Yhacgeryn in 1492 and 1498[100]
Abbot Edmund Fitzgibbon in 1492
Abbot John Yhacgeryn in 1498[101]

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The end of the interim report on the history of Molana Abbey, Co. Waterford 

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It is hoped to write a future article on the material structure of Molana Abbey ruins.

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End of post

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[1] A. Gwynn & R.N. Hadcock, Medieval Religious House: Ireland (Irish Academic Press, Dublin, 1988), p. 187
[2] Rev. Patrick Power, ‘The abbey of Molana, Co. Waterford’, in the Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, Vol. LXII (1932), p. 142
[4] A. Gwynn & R.N. Hadcock, Medieval Religious House: Ireland (Irish Academic Press, Dublin, 1988), p. 187
[5] Rev. Patrick Power, ‘The abbey of Molana, Co. Waterford’, in the Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, Vol. LXII (1932), p. 143
[6] Gearóid Mac Niocaill, Ireland before the Vikings (Gill & Macmillan, Dublin, 1972), p. 146
[7] Canon Patrick Power, ‘The abbey of Molana, Co. Waterford’, in the Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, Vol. LXII (1932), p. 143
[8] A. Gwynn & R.N. Hadcock, Medieval Religious House: Ireland (Irish Academic Press, Dublin, 1988), p. 187
[9] William M. Hennessy (ed.), Annals of Ulster (4 vols. Stationery Office, Dublin, 1887), 747; A. Gwynn & R.N. Hadcock, Medieval Religious House: Ireland (Irish Academic Press, Dublin, 1988), p. 187
[10] A. Gwynn & R.N. Hadcock, Medieval Religious House: Ireland (Irish Academic Press, Dublin, 1988), p. 45;
Sarah Sanderlin, ‘The monastery of Lismore A.D. 638-1111’, in Waterford History and Society, edited by William Nolan & Thomas P. Power (Geography Publications, Dublin, 1992), p. 36
[11] Rick Prendergast, East Cork in Early Christian Times (no date), p. 116
[12] Canon Patrick Power, ‘The abbey of Molana, Co. Waterford’, in the Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, Vol. LXII (1932), p. 143
[13] A. Gwynn & R.N. Hadcock, Medieval Religious House: Ireland, p. 187
[14] A. Gwynn & R.N. Hadcock, Medieval Religious House: Ireland, p. 187
[15] Canon Patrick Power, ‘The abbey of Molana, Co. Waterford’, in the Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, Vol. LXII (1932), p. 143
[16] A.T. Lucas, ‘The Plundering and Burning of Churches in Ireland, 7th to 16th Century’, in North Munster Studies: Essays in Commemoration of Monsignor Michael Moloney, edited by Etienne Rynne (Thomond Archaeological Society, Limerick, 1967), p. 217
[17] Canon Patrick Power, ‘The abbey of Molana, Co. Waterford’, in the Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, Vol. LXII (1932), p. 143
[18] A. Gwynn & R.N. Hadcock, Medieval Religious House: Ireland, p. 187
[19] Sean Mac Airt (ed.), Annals of Inisfallen (Dublin Institute of Advanced Studies, 1977), 833
[20] A. Gwynn & R.N. Hadcock, Medieval Religious House: Ireland (Irish Academic Press, Dublin, 1988), p. 187
[21] A. Gwynn & R.N. Hadcock, Medieval Religious House: Ireland (Irish Academic Press, Dublin, 1988), p. 372
[22] Catryn Power & Martin Doody, ‘Archaeological excavation on Abbey Island, Darrynane’, in Journal of the Kerry Archaeological & Historical Society, No. 21 (1988), p. 166
[23] Catryn Power & Martin Doody, ‘Archaeological excavation on Abbey Island, Darrynane’, in Journal of the Kerry Archaeological & Historical Society, No. 21 (1988), pp. 166-170
[24] Rev. James MacCaffrey (ed.), The Black Book of Limerick (M.H. Gill, Dublin, 1907), pp. 113, 120, 147; Canon Patrick Power, ‘The abbey of Molana, Co. Waterford’, in the Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, Vol. LXII (1932), p. 145
[25] Rev. James MacCaffrey (ed.), The Black Book of Limerick (M.H. Gill, Dublin, 1907), p. 147
[26] Newport B. White (ed.), Extents of Irish Monastic Possessions, 1540-1541 (Irish Manuscripts Commission, Dublin, 1943), p. 148 
[27] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland (Kraus reprint, 1974), Vol. 3 (1285-1292), nos. 314, 321
[28] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland (Kraus reprint, 1974), Vol. 3 (1285-1292), nos. 707, 711
[29] A. Gwynn & R.N. Hadcock, Medieval Religious House: Ireland (Irish Academic Press, Dublin, 1988), p. 187
[30] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland (Kraus reprint, 1974), Vol. 3 (1285-1292), nos. 316, 317
[31] Canon Patrick Power, ‘The abbey of Molana, Co. Waterford’, in the Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, Vol. LXII (1932), p. 145
[32] Canon Patrick Power, ‘The abbey of Molana, Co. Waterford’, in the Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, Vol. LXII (1932), p. 145
[33] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume IX, 1431-1447 (Stationery Office, London, 1912), p. 194
[34] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume IX, 1431-1447 (Stationery Office, London, 1912), p. 183
[35] J.A. Twemlow (eds.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume X, 1447-1455 (Stationery Office, London, 1915), p. 451
[36] A. Gwynn & R.N. Hadcock, Medieval Religious House: Ireland (Irish Academic Press, Dublin, 1988), p. 187
[37] J.A. Twemlow (eds.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume X, 1447-1455 (Stationery Office, London, 1915), p. 507
[38] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XI, 1455-1464 (Stationery Office, London, 1921), p. 346
[39] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XII, 1458-1471 (Stationery Office, London, 1933), pp. 111, 358
[40] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XII, 1458-1471 (Stationery Office, London, 1933), p. 152
[41] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XII, 1458-1471 (Stationery Office, London, 1933), p. 165
[42] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XI, 1455-1464 (Stationery Office, London, 1921), p. 628
[43] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XII, 1458-1471 (Stationery Office, London, 1933), p. 156
[44] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XI, 1455-1464 (Stationery Office, London, 1921), p. 684
[45] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XI, 1455-1464 (Stationery Office, London, 1921), p. 475
[46] A. Gwynn & R.N. Hadcock, Medieval Religious House: Ireland (Irish Academic Press, Dublin, 1988), p. 187
[47] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XI, 1455-1464 (Stationery Office, London, 1921), pp. 491, 492
[48] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XII, 1458-1471 (Stationery Office, London, 1933), p. 555
[49] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XII, 1458-1471 (Stationery Office, London, 1933), p. 658
[50] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XII, 1458-1471 (Stationery Office, London, 1933), p. 707
[51] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XII, 1458-1471 (Stationery Office, London, 1933), p. 246
[52] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XII, 1458-1471 (Stationery Office, London, 1933), p. 666
[53] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XIII, 1471-1484 (Stationery Office, London, 1955), p. 477
[54] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XII, 1458-1471 (Stationery Office, London, 1933), p. 668
[55] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XII, 1458-1471 (Stationery Office, London, 1933), p. 357
[56] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XII, 1458-1471 (Stationery Office, London, 1933), p. 809
[57] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XIII, 1471-1484 (Stationery Office, London, 1955), p. 388
[58] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XIII, 1471-1484 (Stationery Office, London, 1955), p. 40
[59] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XIII, 1471-1484 (Stationery Office, London, 1955), p. 420
[60] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XIII, 1471-1484 (Stationery Office, London, 1955), p. 407; A. Gwynn & R.N. Hadcock, Medieval Religious House: Ireland (Irish Academic Press, Dublin, 1988), p. 187
[61] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XIII, 1471-1484 (Stationery Office, London, 1955), pp. 452, 453
[62] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XIII, 1471-1484 (Stationery Office, London, 1955), p. 677
[63] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XIII, 1471-1484 (Stationery Office, London, 1955), p. 719
[64] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XIII, 1471-1484 (Stationery Office, London, 1955), p. 774
[65] Michael J. Hearn (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XV, 1484-1492, Innocent VIII (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1978), no. 614
[66] Michael J. Hearn (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XV, 1484-1492, Innocent VIII (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1978), nos. 438, 614
[67] Michael J. Hearn (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XV, 1484-1492, Innocent VIII (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1978), no. 953
[68] J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XIII, 1471-1484 (Stationery Office, London, 1955), p. 833
[69] Michael J. Hearn (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XV, 1484-1492, Innocent VIII (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1978), no. 311
[70] Michael J. Hearn (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XV, 1484-1492, Innocent VIII (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1978), no. 910
[71] Michael J. Hearn (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XV, 1484-1492, Innocent VIII (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1978), nos. 617, 917
[72] Michael J. Hearn (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XV, 1484-1492, Innocent VIII (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1978), no. 873
[73] Michael J. Hearn (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XV, 1484-1492, Innocent VIII (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1978), no. 875
[74] Anne P. Fuller (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XVI, 1492-1498, Alexander VI (Irish Manuscripts Commission, Dublin, 1986), no. 759
[75] Anne P. Fuller (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XVII, Part I, 1492-1503, Alexander VI (Irish Manuscripts Commission, Dublin, 1994), no. 573
[76] Anne P. Fuller (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XVII, Part II, 1492-1503, Alexander VI (Irish Manuscripts Commission, Dublin, 1998), no. 53
[77] Anne P. Fuller (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XVII, Part I, 1492-1503, Alexander VI (Irish Manuscripts Commission, Dublin, 1994), no. 158
[78] Anne P. Fuller (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XVII, Part I, 1492-1503, Alexander VI (Irish Manuscripts Commission, Dublin, 1994), no. 852
[79] Michael J. Hearn (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XIX, 1503-1513, Julius II (Irish Manuscripts Commission, Dublin, 1998), no. 112
[80] A. Gwynn & R.N. Hadcock, Medieval Religious House: Ireland (Irish Academic Press, Dublin, 1988), p. 187
[81] Newport White (ed.), Monastic extents of Irish monastic possessions 1540-1541 (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1943), pp. 148-9
[82] A. Gwynn & R.N. Hadcock, Medieval Religious House: Ireland (Irish Academic Press, Dublin, 1988), p. 187
[83] Robert Lacey, Sir Walter Ralegh (Phoenix Press, London, 2000), p. 109
[84] Donal Brady, Waterford Scientists: preliminary studies (Author, 2010), p. 16 note 33
[85] A. Gwynn & R.N. Hadcock, Medieval Religious House: Ireland, p. 187
[86] William M. Hennessy (ed.), Annals of Ulster (4 vols. Stationery Office, Dublin, 1887), 747
[87] A. Gwynn & R.N. Hadcock, Medieval Religious House: Ireland, p. 187
[88] A. Gwynn & R.N. Hadcock, Medieval Religious House: Ireland, p. 187
[89] A. Gwynn & R.N. Hadcock, Medieval Religious House: Ireland, p. 187
[90] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 3 (1285-1292), no. 321
[91] Canon Patrick Power, ‘The abbey of Molana, Co. Waterford’, in the Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, Vol. LXII (1932), p. 145
[92] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, Vol. 3 (1285-1292), nos. 707, 711
[93] Canon Patrick Power, ‘The abbey of Molana, Co. Waterford’, in the Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, Vol. LXII (1932), p. 145
[94] Canon Patrick Power, ‘The abbey of Molana, Co. Waterford’, in the Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, Vol. LXII (1932), p. 145
[95] Canon Patrick Power, ‘The abbey of Molana, Co. Waterford’, in the Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, Vol. LXII (1932), p. 145
[96] Canon Patrick Power, ‘The abbey of Molana, Co. Waterford’, in the Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, Vol. LXII (1932), p. 145
[97] Canon Patrick Power, ‘The abbey of Molana, Co. Waterford’, in the Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, Vol. LXII (1932), p. 145
[98] Canon Patrick Power, ‘The abbey of Molana, Co. Waterford’, in the Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, Vol. LXII (1932), p. 145
[99] A. Gwynn & R.N. Hadcock, Medieval Religious House: Ireland, p. 187
[100] Michael J. Hearn (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XV, 1484-1492, Innocent VIII (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1978), no. 873
[101] Anne P. Fuller (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XVII, Part I, 1492-1503, Alexander VI (Irish Manuscripts Commission, Dublin, 1994), no. 573

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