Molana Abbey, County Waterford
Niall C.E.J. O’Brien
Irish monastery
The foundation of a Christian
community on Dairinish (the Oak Island) was made by St. Molanfide in the sixth
century.[1] Some
writers have suggested the year 501 as the foundation date but I have yet to
find the source of this and so will leave the sixth century stand for the
present.
Statue representing St. Molanfide erected in early 19th century by Gracie Smyth
St. Molanfide, also written as
Mealanfaith (the Little {or dear} Tonsured Prophet) was said to be of the race
of Ugaine Mor, monarch of Ireland.[2]
Ugaine Mor was a pre-historic king who reign sometime between 634 BC and 246 BC
depending on which source you prefer to read.[3]
St. Fachnan Mongach was Abbot of
Molana in the second half of the sixth century. He is accredited with founding
another Irish monastery at Ross Carbery.[4]
Rev. Canon Patrick Power disputes this foundation at Rosscarbery as a
misreading of the texts.[5]
In the eighth century there
appeared in Gaul a series of documents called the Collectio Hibernensis. These
documents captivated the church authorities and influenced church discipline in
Europe for the next four hundred years. The collection brought together the
laws as written in the Bible with additions from synods held in Africa, Europe
and Ireland.[6]
One of the authors of these documents was Rubin Mac Connadh, the scribe of
Munster and monk of Dairinish.[7]
Rubin Mac Connadh died in 725.[8]
In the early eighth century
Molana and Lismore became centres of a reforming movement in the Irish church
known as Céle Dé. Abbot Fer-dá-Crích of Dairinish was an important leader in
the movement. Some religious leaders felt that the monasteries were thinking
too much about acquiring economic wealth and were meddling too much in
politics. The Céle Dé people wanted monasteries to return to purely religious
activities. Into this came a young cleric called Mael Ruain who received his
early education at Dairinish under Abbot Fer-dá-Crích. Abbot Fer-dá-Crích died
in 747.[9]
After the death of Fer-dá-Crích,
Mael Ruain travelled north with the late abbot’s bell and came to the present
County Dublin area where he founded a monastery at Tallagh around 769. Here
Mael Ruain drew up a rule for the Céle Dé movement so that all the monasteries
which supported reform would adopt the same ideas for monastic living.[10]
The movement gained some prominence in the eighth and ninth centuries but met
with little success in returning monasticism back to a purely religious life
and away from political dealing and the accumulation of economic wealth.[11]
The limited success of the Céle Dé
did not deter religious life at Dairinish. The monastery continued under a new
abbot. This abbot could have been Abbot Daniel Ua Aithmet of Dairinish who died
in 777 or another individual before Abbot Daniel.[12]
But in 786 a great storm flooded
the island and the community had to leave their island home.[13]
Once the waters had receded the community returned to Dairinish and began again.
In 819 the chronicles record the
death of Flann of Dairinish.[14]
It is presumed that he was abbot of Dairinish-Molanfide but the records are
silent on this fact.
In the same year of 819 the
Annals of the Four Masters record the plunder of Dairinish by the Danes. Canon
Patrick Power disputed this claim and suggested the entry referred to a place
in Wexford.[15]
A.T. Lucas gives this Wexford place as Dairinis Caemhain in his study on the
plundering and burning of churches in medieval Ireland.[16]
Canon Power remarked that it
would be strange if Dairinish was not attacked at the time that Clashmore was
attacked. Dairinish was better situated than Clashmore for attack and possibly
more wealthy than Clashmore.[17]
In 829 Abbot Subneus died while
on a visit to Armagh.[18] A
few years later in 833 Lismore and Kilmolash were plundered by the Vikings.[19]
As in other times, there is no mention of Dairinish in these plundering raids.
In another article I mentioned the possibility that the kingdom of Ofhearghusa,
in which Dairinish was situated, may have been an ally of the Vikings. [http://celtic2realms-medievalnews.blogspot.ie/2013/09/knockanore-in-cork-or-waterford-in.html]
Augustinian house
For the next two centuries the
annals are silent on the affairs at Dairinish. At the Lateran Council in 1139
it was decreed that all the old religious monasteries across Europe should
adopt one of the two or three standard monastic rules. Many of the Irish
monasteries, including Dairinish, adopted the rule of St. Augustine. From this
time on the abbey is referred to both as Dairinish and Molana. Over the
succeeding centuries there was a gradual movement towards just Molana as the name
of the abbey.
A view westwards from the choir into the nave. The nave is the oldest part of the abbey and likely the pre-Norman church of the Irish monastery.
The Norman invasion and aftermath
Following the Norman invasion of
Ireland in 1169 the invaders took secular and ecclesiastical control over much
of Ireland. It is said that Raymond ‘le Gros’ FitzWilliam Fitzgerald refounded
Molana Abbey. I hope to address this story and the claim that he was buried at
Molana in a future article.
The area around Molana did not
come under Norman control until the late 1180s. In the division of the Déisi
kingdom the Normans installed Anglo-Norman clerics in the Diocese of Waterford
while leaving much of the Diocese of Lismore in the hands of Irish clerics.
Thus Molana remain in Irish hands for a few decades after the invasion but not
for long.
In 1204 a great pestilence
ravaged the country. The community at Ailean Mail Anfaid was severely damaged
with the death of many senior monks including the death of Abbot Niall O Ligda.[20] It
is possible that the Normans took advantage of this calamity to install
Anglo-Norman clerics in Molana.
Molana possessions apart from in Ofhearghusa
Before we continue with the story
of Molana Abbey in Ofhearghusa and medieval County Cork, we include a brief
commentary on possessions of Molana apart from the Blackwater.
Property in County Kerry
In south County Kerry, on an
island called Abbey Island is a place called Aghamore. Here a small abbey was founded
by monks of St. Bairre (St. Finbarr of Cork) in the seventh century. Other
sources say the monastery was founded by St. Finnian Cam who could well be one
of the Cork monks.[21]
Another writer said the monastery was dedicated to St. Finnian Cam.[22]
The subsequent history of
Aghamore is unknown. It adopted the Augustinian rule in the twelfth century in
line with other Irish monasteries. At what time the place became a dependency
of Molana abbey is unknown. Aghamore is near Derrynane, home of Daniel
O’Connell and the O’Connell family have a vault within the abbey grounds.
Some parts of the abbey have
fallen into the sea but the east window still exists. Archaeological
excavations carried out in 1985 discovered a circular wall, a well and a shell
midden just to the west of the abbey buildings. A green glazed pottery piece of
the thirteenth/fourteenth century was found in the shell midden. The
substantial wall appears to represent a boundary wall around the abbey but the
limited excavation could not demonstrate its stratigraphical relationship to
the abbey buildings.[23]
The name of Aghamore sometimes
leads writers to think that Molana had some property in the old ecclesiastical
site of Ardmore. But this is a case of misrepresentation. It is interesting
that both Molana and Aghamore were located on islands. These locations remind a
person of such other island places like Lindisfarne, St. Michael’s Mount in
Cornwall, and Skellig Michael. It was possibly the island location which first
attracted Molana Abbey to Aghamore.
Property in County Limerick
In September 1267 the abbot and
convent of Molana granted half the revenue accruing to the church of St. Mochua
at Darragh (Darmocho) in the south-eastern corner of County Limerick to the
bishop of Limerick. The return for Molana for this grant is not stated.[24]
The present lack of documents also prevents us for ascertaining when, and from
whom, Molana acquired the revenues of Darragh.
A document from 1418 lists the
procurations due from each parish in the diocese of Limerick. The patron of
each parish was also mentioned. Thus we find Molana Abbey as the patron of the rectory
of Kilfinan in the deanery of Kilmallock while George de Roche presented the
vicarage. The procuration value was 10 shillings. Also in the same deanery was
the rectory of Darmocho (Darragh) which was held by Molana while the bishop of
Limerick presented the vicar.[25]
These churches do not appear in
the extent of Molana’s possessions in 1541. The impression given is that the
churches were sold by 1541 but it could also be that the 1541 documents do not
record all the possessions of the abbey.[26]
Molana Abbey in the thirteen century
When we return to Molana abbey in
the late thirteenth century we find the Anglo-Norman monks to be in control. In
the late thirteenth century the leader of Molana was as often referred to as a
prior as to an abbot. This would suggest that the pre-Norman independence of
the abbey was reduced under Norman rule. The use of the title of prior places
the abbey under an outside abbot, usually the local bishop which in this case
was the Bishop of Lismore.
In May 1287 the community at
Molana sent Brother Gilbert de Insula to England to announce to the king that
Brother Peter de Insula had resigned as abbot. Brother Gilbert was to return
with a licence from the king to elect a new abbot. On 6th June 1287
Brother Gilbert received the licence to elect at Westminster.[27] The
community subsequently elected Brother Peter as abbot.
Sometime before 3rd
July 1290 Abbot Peter died. In July 1290 Brother Thomas le Fleming was sent to
England to announce the death of Abbot Peter to the king and to get a licence
to elect a new Prior. The king granted the licence to elect on July 10th
with a number of conditions. The new abbot was to be a devout person and fit to
rule the abbey. He was also to be faithful and useful to the king in Ireland.
To spare the abbey labour and expense a special grace was given to allow the
justiciar of Ireland to receive the fealty of the new abbot. On receiving that
fealty the temporalities of the abbey would be restored.[28] A
monk by the name of Philip was elected abbot. Gwynn and Hadcock said the new
abbot was called Philip O Fartyr.[29]
Brother Philip remained as abbot
until about August 1296 when he resigned. William, a canon of the abbey,
travelled to England to announce the resignation to the king. At
Berwick-upon-Tweed on September 5th William received the licence to
elect a new abbot. The following day the king wrote to John Wogan, justiciar of
Ireland, about the impeding election and setting out the conditions of the
election which were similar to that given in 1290. As in 1290 the justiciar
could give the royal assent following the oath of fealty.[30] Canon
Patrick Power says that Brother Philip Fury was elected the new abbot.[31]
Molana disappears from the
records during much of the fourteenth century until, in 1441, when Thomas Mc
Grath was the abbot.[32]
It is possible that the wars and plagues of the fourteenth century coupled with
the resurgence of the Irish caused the Anglo-Norman monks to decline in number.
The McGrath family were a growing power in west Waterford and east Cork during
the fifteenth century.
The leader of Molana Abbey was
from 1441 onwards referred to as an abbot. The subservient position of prior
that we saw in the late thirteenth century was no longer and Molana was again
an independent house.
View from the first floor level of the abbot's house down to the ground floor. The door to the right gives access to the presbytery of the church.
Molana in the fifteenth century
On 26th September 1441
the bishop of Valua, the abbot of Molana and the archdeacon of Lismore were
mandated by Pope Eugenius IV to collate and assign the rectory of Dungarvan
(value not exceeding 100 marks sterling) to John Stack, canon of Limerick. John
Stack was previously dispensed as a son of a deacon and an unmarried woman to
receive all kinds of canonries and prebends. At Limerick John Stack held a
canonry and prebend of Effin (valued at 15 marks) and was lately given the
archdeaconry of Limerick (valued at 60 marks) but these positions were not to
be restrictions on John Stack getting Dungarvan as an additional benefice.[33]
On 28th October 1441
the abbot of Molana was ordered by Pope Eugenius IV to judge the merits of a
petition to the pope by John Stack, canon of Limerick. John Stack wanted to remove
the cure and burdens of the rectory of Dungarvan while at the same time elevating
the rectory into a prebend of the cathedral church at Lismore. By this action a
new canonry would by created in Lismore cathedral with the revenues of the
rectory used to support John Stack as the new canon. John Stack claimed that as
there were few canonries and prebends in Lismore cathedral the elevation of
Dungarvan into a prebend would increase divine worship in the cathedral.[34]
On 5th April 1449 the
abbots of Mothel, Inislounaght and Molana received a papal mandate to judge the
case of Gillatius Okeyt and the deanery of Lismore. Gillatius had challenged
the incumbent Dean Philip Wood and they went to law over the position. They
settled out of court with Gillatius paying Philip a pension in return for the
deanery. This caused Gillatius to be excommunication for simony. The three were
to rehabilitate Gillatius and collate the deanery (valued at 16 marks) to him.[35]
Conflict with the abbot of Molana Abbey
In 1450 Abbot John Makennri was
accused by Donal O’Sullivan, a clerk in the diocese of Ardfert and the
illegitimate son of unmarried parents, of irregular dealings.[36]
Abbot John was accused of committing simony and perjury; that John was a public
and notorious fornicator and that he had dilapidated, alienated and uselessly
consumed the possessions of the monastery, and was much defamed about these
matters in the lower Blackwater valley. Pope Nicholas V directed the archdeacon
of Clonmacnoise and two others to cause Donal O’Sullivan to be received as a
canon of Molana and to receive his profession.
Because Donal O’Sullivan felt he
had no hope of obtaining justice in the city and diocese of Lismore, he could
accuse John before the archdeacon in another place. If the archdeacon found the
accusations to be “enough for the purpose to be true”, he was to deprive and
remove Abbot John. The archdeacon then had power to make provision of Molana,
value not exceeding 30 marks sterling, to Donal O’Sullivan. The archdeacon was
to cause Donal O’Sullivan to be blessed by any catholic bishop, without
prejudice to the bishop of Lismore, to whom Molana was, by ordinary right,
subject and be promoted to all, even holy orders and rule and administer the
monastery without challenge.[37]
Doorway on the west side within the abbot's house leading to the stairway to the first floor level.
Molana Abbey continues to act as a papal judge
The result of the challenge
against Abbot John is not fully known. Things seem to have returned to normal
and after a few years Molana was again acting as a papal judge in
ecclesiastical affairs. On 1st July 1458 the abbots of Molana and
Mothel along with the bishop of Orvieto were instructed to collate and assign
the archdeaconry of Lismore (value not exceeding 24 marks sterling) to Thomas
O’Shanahan in succession to whoever they though was the previous incumbent.[38]
On 2nd June 1461 the
abbot of Molana along with the precentor and treasurer of Lismore were mandated
to judge the recent petition of Dermit Oleyn against Nicholas Hewed for the
chancellorship of Cloyne. Dermit had accused Nicholas of nearly every crime in
the book and thus would not get a fair hearing in Cloyne. The three Lismore
clerics were to judge the case. Their judgement is not known but William Hewed
was still the chancellor in 1470 when a new challenger petitioned the pope with
the same accusations.[39]
On 3rd July 1462 a
papal mandate was sent to the abbots of Molana and Mothel along with the prior
of Cahir concerning the chancellorship of Lismore. The office of chancellor was
so long void that few could remember the last incumbent although Philip
Occarrygyn had detained it for eight to ten years. The three judges were to
give the position to John White, perpetual vicar of Clonmel while keeping his
vicarage position.[40]
On 13th July 1462 a
papal mandate was sent to the abbot of Molana concerning the status of Robert
Freyn, canon of Lismore. Robert had previously been publicly excommunicated but
had taken part in divine service in contempt of the bishop. The abbot of Molana
was to meet Robert Freyn and his accuser, William Wynscydayne. If true the
abbot was to give William the canonry and prebend of Kilbarrymeaden (valued at
6 marks).[41]
A period of abbey renewal
At the start of the 1460s Molana
Abbey entered a period of growth and renewal. The abbey had a great number of
canons who daily gave to the needy and poor people of the surrounding
countryside. The canons performed these duties while many of their buildings
were in a state of ruin due to various misfortunes in previous years. The abbey
revenue was too poor to make the necessary repairs. On 29th July 1462
an indulgence was granted to those visiting the abbey of St. Molanfide or
giving alms on the feasts of the Annunciation of St. Mary the Virgin (25th
March) and the feast of Saints Peter and Paul (29th June).[42]
These two feast days gave a clear
signal to the local Christian community that Molana was a renewed abbey growing
in religious well-being. Both feast days were days of renewal with the
Annunciation signally the coming of the son of God into the world. The feast of
Saints Peter and Paul was a Christian dedication based on Roman gods of Romulus
and Remus who were credited with founding Rome. The Christian saints signalled
a new foundation of Rome as a Christian city.
We are not told how responsive
the local Christian community was to this indulgence. The present ruins would
suggest that the abbey got sufficient money to do the needy repairs and keep
the abbey in operation.
Further work as a papal judge
On 3rd August 1462 the
abbot of Molana, along with two other judges, was to examine the case of
Matthew McNamara and the canonry and prebend of Donokmore, diocese of Limerick.
Gilbert Arthur occupied the prebend, which was worth 8 marks sterling, and had
great power in the diocese of Limerick. Matthew’s desire to have the canonry
and prebend was very much restricted by an event many years previous. When as a
boy studying letters Matthew killed Rory Okeruil after the latter had kicked
Matthew’s horrible boil which he had, causing Matthew to lose his temper and
threw a knife at Rory. Rory live for a while but died later. Matthew made
sincere apologies to Rory’s parents but the cloud still hung over Matthew. The
three were to rehabilitate Matthew and assign the prebend to him.[43]
Enhanced prestige for the abbot of Molana
On 5th August 1463
John O’Hedyan, archdeacon of Cashel and John abbot of Molana were appointed
joint nuncios and collectors and receivers-general of the fruits due to the
pope in the four provinces of Armagh, Dublin, Tuam and Cashel. They were to
have the usual privileges and powers and to render an account to the pope’s
treasurer-general every three years.[44] It
is not known if this elevation for Molana Abbey helped to increase pilgrimage
and revenue to the abbey. The absence of any estate accounts from the abbey
makes such evaluations impossible to conclude with certainty.
View eastwards into the choir and presbytery of Molana Abbey church. The great east window is nearly all gone with only fragments of the piers remaining.
Further duties as a papal judge
Instead we are mostly left with
references to Molana abbey in the papal records at Rome. These records continue
to record the abbot of Molana as judge in many cases of church discipline and
preferment to benefices. On 24th March 1463 the abbot of Molana
along with the treasurer of Lismore and a canon of Lismore were ordered to
judge if David Miach, archdeacon of Cork, was an open and notorious fornicator
as accused by John O’Kelly of the diocese of Clonfert. If true, the three
judges were to remove David and assign the archdeaconry (value not exceeding 30
marks sterling) to John O’Kelly.[45]
In 1463 Abbot Thady O’Morrissey
of Mothel abbey was appointed prior of St. Catherine’s Outside the Walls of
Waterford. Mothel was then unlawfully detained for the next two years by
Maurice O’Ronan on the pretext that he was assigned as abbot by the Bishop of
Lismore. The pope ordered that Donald O’Byrne, a clerk, should be made abbot if
found to be a fit person.[46]
On 16th July 1463 the
abbot of Molana along with the archdeacon and precentor of Lismore were
mandated to cause Donald O’Byrne to become a canon in Mothel Abbey and
afterwards to be elected abbot of Mothel. The abbey of Mothel was valued at 35
marks.[47]
On 23rd June 1467 the
abbot of Molana and two canons at Lismore were to judge a recent petition of
John Fitzmaurice Fitzgerald, diocese of Cloyne, against Thomas Ohelathaygh for
the precentorship of Cork.[48] On
18th April 1469 the abbot of Molana along with the abbots of Mothel
and the Suir were mandated to judge the correct incumbent for the prebend of
Disertmore, diocese of Cork against two claimants.[49]
Later on 29th May 1469 the abbot of Molana along the abbots of
Inislounaght and Mothel were mandated to judge the proper incumbent to the
vicarage of Kylkydy, diocese of Limerick, the patron of which was the prior of
Athassel.[50]
Expansion ideas of Molana Abbey
The period of renewal at Molana
continued throughout the 1460s. The added prestige of having the abbot as papal
nuncio gave a strong sense of confidence among the community. The abbey chapter
saw the need to expand the abbey’s sphere of influence beyond the four parishes
bordering the lower River Blackwater. Before 18th March 1466 Abbot
John of Molana (of noble parents) petitioned the pope about the surreptitious
appointment of Edmund Archer as prior of the monastery of St. Edmund, King and
Martyr at Athassel, Co. Tipperary. Abbot John said that Edmund had undervalued
the priory at his appointment which meant the position was still vacant. Abbot
John said he could operate both Molana and Athassel as they were near each
other and the extra income from Athassel would help the slender resources of
Molana. Pope Paul II said that owing to war the fruits of Athassel could not be
easily valued but the abbot of Fermoy and two canons of Cloyne were to judge
the case.[51]
Sometime before February 1468 the
abbot and convent of Molana petitioned the pope to be granted the rectory of Ballingarry
in the diocese of Emly in perpetuity. On the 18th February 1468 a
papal mandate was sent to the abbot of St. Mary's, Fermoy, in the diocese of
Cloyne to judge the case. The abbot of Molana said if the rectory was united to
the said monastery in perpetuity, the said abbot and convent could be better
maintained. The abbot said that the values of the said rectory and monastery
did not exceed 6 and 40 marks sterling respectively.
The rectory became void by the
resignation of Eugenius Yconnyrych to William, bishop of Emly, Gerald Roche, the
lay patron, consented to its being united to the said monastery, but that the
said abbot and convent did not take possession of it. Meanwhile Magonius
Oconnyrych, priest, of Limerick, took de facto possession of
it around 1465. The abbot feared of the power of Magonius, and the excessive
favours bestowed on him by the said bishop William of Emly, that they had no
hope of obtaining justice in the city and diocese of Emly. Pope Pius II
directed that if the abbot of Fermoy found the facts to be as stated, and if
the said patron consented, he was to unite the said rectory to Molana in
perpetuity.[52]
Molana Abbey held the rectory of
Ballingarry, barony of Coshlea, County Limerick, for a number of years as shown
in a papal mandate of 26th January 1476. The document also shows
that Magonius Oconnyrych still held the vicarage of Ballingarry without title
in 1476. In that year John MacBrien of the diocese of Emly lodged a claim for
the vicarage.[53]
As the parish of Ballingarry does not appear among the parishes held by Molana
at the dissolution it is possible that the parish was sold in the intervening
years or just not recorded as suggested earlier for other property of Molana in
County Limerick.
The door on the left accessed the chapter house where the administration business of the abbey was done. The door on the right accessed the parlour where the monks could talk and relax. Photo taken from the cloister area facing towards the east range.
Trouble within the four parishes
The efforts of Molana Abbey to
expand out of its traditional base did not mean the abandonment of management
at home. Sometime before 7th April 1469 Molana Abbey petitioned the
pope for the recovery of the Tallow vicarage. The vicarage was occupied by Raymund
Staccabul for about eight years without title. The previous vicar appointed by
Molana, William Nurruyn, was long since dead (pre 1461). The petition of Molana
said that its fruits etc. were so slight that they could not decently maintain
themselves, or have the buildings repaired and keep hospitality. Molana said
that the rectory of Tallow church was canonically united to the said monastery,
and that the values of the said vicarage and monastery did not exceed 6 and 40
marks sterling respectively. The abbot of Inislounaght was to examine the case
and if the facts were correct, unite the vicarage to Molana in perpetuity.
Thereafter Molana could appoint, and remove at pleasure, its own canons as
vicars to Tallow.[54]
It would appear that Molana was
successful in recovering control over the Tallow vicarage as no further
petitions are made concerning it. The other parishes of Templemichael,
Kilcockan and Kilwatermoy do not feature in the papal records and we can assume
that Molana had unchallenged authority in these parishes.
Further roles as papal judge
On 7th December 1470
the abbots of Molana and Mothel along with the archbishop of Cashel were to reconfirm
the ordinary collation of the vicarage of Kinsalebeg along with the canonry and
prebend of Modeligo made to John Oboan. John Oboan had petitioned the pope
because he was concerned about the legality of his appointment.[55]
On 24th May 1471 the
abbot of Molana, along with two canons of Killala, was mandated to assign the
vicarage of Adraguil, diocese of Killala to Eugene O’Conor of Killala.[56]
It is unlikely that the abbot would travel to Mayo to fulfil this mandate. It
is more probable that his name was included by the claimant on the
understanding that the abbot would not show up and that his friends in Killala
would help him get the vicarage without difficulty.
On 2nd May 1475 the
abbot of Molana and the archbishop of Patras were made convenient judges to
confirm Dermit Ohynarathy in the vicarage of Killufin, diocese of Killaloe
while continuing to hold the vicarage of St. Mary Magdalene, diocese of
Limerick.[57] Later on 1st June 1475 the abbot
of Molana was mandated along with the abbot of Mothel and the archbishop of
Patras to ensure that Edmund Mandeville, precentor of Lismore, received the £12
yearly pension given to him from the episcopal lands of Lismore by Pope Sixtus
IV.[58]
On 4th April 1475 the
abbot of Molana along two others from the cathedral of Lismore were mandated to
judge the case of Thomas Oranayn, treasurer of Lismore, who continued to say
masses after having been excommunicated for simony. James Cantwell, son of a
bishop, brought the accusations against Thomas Oranayn and petitioned for
treasurership of Lismore even as he was getting the treasurership of Cashel. Pope
Sixtus IV said James Cantwell could hold both positions if he successful
removed Thomas Oranayn.[59]
Continued expansion plans by Molana Abbey
The earlier mixed results of
expansion by Molana Abbey encouraged the abbey chapter to spread its wings
further rather than staying where they were. Sometime before 17th April
1475 Abbot Leonard of Molana petitioned the pope to be granted the fruits of
four parishes in north-east Cork held by the priory of St. Catherine outside
the walls of Waterford and one parish in County Waterford held by the priory at
Cahir. Abbot Leonard stated that the abbey was very impoverished with buildings
falling into ruin but that the religious life of the canons was improving with
increases in daily worship. Molana would experience great relief if it could
get the said parishes for the life of Abbot Leonard. The prior of Bridgetown
and a canon of Cloyne were to judge the matter.[60]
Their decision is unknown but as the parishes do not feature in the 1541
extents of Molana it must be taken that their efforts were unsuccessful.
Molana neglects its duties to outlining parishes
The growing religious community
at Molana, its better management of the four home parishes and its desire to
expand beyond its traditional heartland suggests success with Molana Abbey in
the 1460s and 1470s. But all was not well with the abbey, particularly with the
management of its ancient parishes in Counties Limerick and Kerry.
In a papal mandate, dated 1st
January 1476, we learn that Molana Abbey held the rectory of the parish church
of Urgarry (Uregare) in the diocese of Limerick. Philip Yronan, clerk and
bachelor of decrees in the diocese of Limerick, claimed that Molana had let the
rectory to farm from time immemorial. Because of neglect by those who held
Urgarry to farm the roof of the church was gone. The walls of the exposed
church were suffering damage along with the ecclesiastical ornaments and rain
washed the altar. The cemetery was also in a disgraceful condition. Philip
Yronan claimed he could repair Urgarry church, and two other ruined churched
held by other monasteries, while paying the customary cess to Molana Abbey. The
souls of the parishioners, so long neglected, would be improved.[61]
By a papal letter, dated 15th
April 1479, we learn something about the chapel of Aghamore in south Kerry
which was the property of Molana Abbey. The chapel, which is about sixty miles
from Molana, was served by canons from the abbey or local secular clerks. But
for several years before 1479 Donald O’Sullivan, a canon of Molana, held the
chapel against the will of Abbot Leonard. Donald O’Sullivan used the fruits of
the chapel for his own uses and publicly kept a concubine while seldom or never
celebrating mass. This was very likely the same Donal O’Sullivan who challenged
Abbot John’s management of Molana in 1450.
Another Donal O’Sullivan then
came upon the scene. This man was a clerk of the diocese of Ardfert, and claimed
that if he was given the fruits of the chapel for life, he would restore the
title of Molana Abbey and cause masses and other divine services to be held
within the chapel. The bishop, treasurer and a canon of Ardfert were to judge
the case of O’Sullivan verses O’Sullivan.[62]
The result is unknown but Molana still held Aghamore in 1541.
Activities of the abbot in the 1480s
On 24th May 1480 the
abbot of Molana was asked to collate and assign the canonry and prebend of
Kilrossanty (valued at 14 marks) to Maurice Fitzgerald and remove the occupier,
William Ocoman.[63]
On 21st July 1481 the
abbot of Molana was asked to collate and assign the canonry and prebend of
Donaghmore, diocese of Cloyne (value 14 marks), to Thomas Ohelahy and remove
the occupier, Donatus Ohelahy. The prebend was so long vacant that people had
forgotten the circumstances.[64]
Molana continued the expansion dream into the 1490s
On 5th February 1491 a
papal mandate was sent to three canons of the church of Cloyne to judge the
petition of John, abbot of Molana. Abbot John had petitioned the pope that the
perpetual vicarages of the parish churches of Kilmacdonogh (occupied by Maurice
Odayll), Garryvoe (occupied by St. Mary’s, Youghal), Kilcredan (occupied by St.
Mary’s Youghal), Kilmahon (occupied by Walter Coth) and Knockmourne (occupied
by William Aulan) were vacant. The combined value of the vicarages was put at
less than 39 marks. Abbot John wished that the parishes be joined to his
monastery in commendam for John’s
life.[65]
In March 1489 Cornelius Ocothy
was said to occupy the prebendal vicarage of Kilmacdonogh, diocese of Cloyne
(valued at 18 marks), which Gerald Barry, priest, petitioned the pope for
title. Abbot John said Kilmacdonogh was illegally occupied by Maurice Odayll
and that it was attached to St. Mary’s collegiate church of Youghal.[66]
Another papal letter of 15th February 1490 said the parishes of
Kilmacdonogh, Kilcredan and Garryvoe were given, with the consent of the
chapter of Cloyne, to the collegiate church of St. Mary. St. Mary’s claimed
that Maurice Odayll and Gerald Barry were illegal occupiers of Kilmacdonogh.[67]
In March 1483 the abbey of St. Thomas the Martyr, Dublin, claimed ownership of
Garryvoe.[68]
On 7th March 1489
Thady Okywe, canon and prebendary of Cloyne, claimed the vicarage of Kilcredan
(value 4 marks) which he said was vacant but illegally occupied by Philip
Ohuyr.[69]
By a document of 1st June 1492 we learn that William Hanlan was
perpetual vicar of the parish of Knockmourne (in lay patronage and valued at 12
marks) for “some time”.[70]
Abbot John’s failed efforts and the laughter of the Cloyne clerics
While Abbot John was attempting
to increase the revenue and power base of the abbey he got a papal mandate,
dated 3rd February 1491, to act along with two canons of Lismore to
the petition of Cornelius Cronan for the united perpetual vicarages of Aglish
and Kilmolash. The three judges appointed Cornelius Cronan to the united
vicarages but the legal title was questioned. On 17th May 1492 a new
mandate was issued to the dean of Cloyne and two canons of Cloyne to collate
and assign the two parishes to Cronan. One of these canons was William Hanlan,
vicar of Knockmourne who must have taken pleasure at sorting out Abbot John’s
mess in the Cronan case.[71]
The refectory (dining hall) on the south side of the cloister where the monks chewed on the success and problems at Molana Abbey.
Cloyne clerics counter-attack Molana’s expansion plans in the Diocese of
Cloyne
In the spring of 1492 the clergy
of Cloyne made efforts to gains control of Molana Abbey to reply to Molana
efforts to gain control of the various Cloyne parishes previously mentioned. In
a papal letter, dated 13th May 1492, we are told that the position
of abbot of Molana was vacant although John Ohaekyeryn, a canon of Molana,
detained the abbot’s job. The canons of Molana, aided and encouraged by the
Cloyne clerics, had written to Rome for a new abbot. Edmund Maurice Fitzgibbon
was recommended but the pope had no knowledge of the nineteen year old’s merits
or suitability. The dean of Cloyne was conveniently mandated to admit Edmund
Fitzgibbon as a canon at Molana and collate the canonry and prebend of
Guylleyne to him. The monastery was then valued at 60 marks per year while the
prebend was worth 10 marks.
The dean of Cloyne was to appoint
Fitzgibbon as abbot even if he had not taken the habit or made his profession.
Though Molana was subject to the bishop of Lismore by ordinary law, Fitzgibbon
was to have full authority over the abbey. The pope’s will was that Fitzgibbon
would take the habit within a month of gaining peaceful possession or resign.[72]
The Cloyne clergy continued their
advancement into Molana affairs. On 15th May 1492 a papal mandate
was issued to the dean of Cloyne and two canons of Cloyne relating to Molana. Conrad
Roche, a canon of Molana Abbey and possessor of the canonical portion of
Killaloan parish, diocese of Lismore, had petitioned the pope for the position
of priory of Bridgetown priory, OSA, diocese of Cloyne. The late prior, Maurice
Yrlhaythyll, had died and the position of prior was subsequently detained by
Nicholas, Bishop of Lismore. Bridgetown priory was valued at 100 marks per
annum.[73]
The Roche family were important landowners around Bridgetown priory and Conrad
may have been from the area.
Molana gets further involved in promoting family appointments
On 19th January 1497
the abbot of Molana along with the abbot of Mothel and a canon of Emly were
asked to judge in favour of Jordan Purcell, cleric of Cork, to receive the
canonry and prebendary of Kilrossanty in the diocese of Lismore (valued at 8
marks). John Fowler the incumbent of the canonry wished to resign in favour of
Jordan. Jordan’s father, John Purcell, Bishop of Lismore, wished his son to
have the canonry and prebend. The three were to collate and assign the prebend
to Jordan Purcell if proper procedure was observed.[74]
The office of abbot comes under renewed attack
Sometime before February 1498
John Yhacgeryn, a canon of Molana, claimed to have been appointed abbot of
Molana by apostolic authority. He then had care, rule and administration of the
abbey for a period of time. But Donat McNamara and Edmund Fitzgibbon, clerics of
the dioceses of Lismore and Cloyne, respectively, claimed that the monastery
rightly belonged to them. Before various judges the two cited John’s authority
and had him removed and silenced. The judges firstly appointed Donat and then
Edmund to the position of abbot.
John Yhacgeryn appealed to the
pope and apologised for not challenging Donat and Edmund in the lower courts
because of certain murders and mutilations that were committed by some in
defence of the monastery. On 26th February 1498 Pope Alexander VI
mandated the abbot of Midleton to judge that matter. The abbot of Midleton was
to free John of all disabilities and summon all three to a hearing with
witnesses. If John Yhacgeryn were found suitable he was to be made abbot of
Molana, which was valued at 40 marks sterling. All others were to obey John’s
administration. Before proceedings were to begin, John Yhacgeryn was to cede
the rule and administration of Molana to the abbot of Midleton.[75]
Sometimes officials in Rome could
get confused about life in distant lands. On 8th March 1496 a papal
mandate was issued to the abbots of Suir and Molana and the official of Lismore
to judge on a petition relating to a claim for the precentorship of Lismore.
But the claimant was Alexander Monereiff of St. Andrews in Scotland and the
Lismore referred to that of Lismore on the west coast of Scotland.[76] It
is unclear if Monereiff arranged this error or whether he was taken aback when
the postman arrived!
More work as a papal judge
On 13th April 1499 the
abbot of Molana was directed to appoint Gerald Fitzjohn Fitzgerald, a fourteen
year old, as precentor of Lismore after removing the incumbent Walter
Mandeville. Gerald was not to get the full rights of precentor until he was eighteen
years old but still it made the whole affair a bit unbecoming.[77]
On 1st January 1503
the abbot of Molana along with the dean of Lismore and a canon of Lismore were
mandated to judge a claim to a canonry and prebendary in the diocese of Cloyne.
The prebend was that of Kilmacdonogh (valued at 24 marks) which Molana had
unsuccessful claimed in 1491. This time Philip White, cleric of Cloyne, was
petitioning against the occupier Richard Gerald Fitzwilliam Fitzgerald.[78]
In December 1508 the abbot of
Molana (of the island of St. Molanfide) along with the abbot of Mothel were
mandated to judge the conditions of a petition to Pope Julius II by Thomas
Mecra for a canonry in Lismore cathedral and the prebend of Modeligo along with
two pieces of property in the parish of Whitechurch.[79]
Dissolution
The papal records for the period
1520 to 1540 are (2013) as yet unpublished. Therefore we know little of the
happenings at Molana in that time. We don’t know if the abbey held special
celebrations for the one thousand years of Christian worship on the island.
When next we meet the abbey it is in 1541 at the end of its religious days.
The causeway connecting the once island of Molana to the mainland. The abbey is in the group of trees in the middle distance while the River Blackwater is to the right of the photo on the other side of the bank.
In 1541 the inquisition jurors
found that the abbey site contained a church, cloister and conventual buildings
along with a cemetery, garden and meadow. The jurors said the buildings were
necessary for the farmer and should remain standing. The buildings were worth 2
shillings.
Away from Dairinish the abbey
held over 380 acres, three salmon weirs, a water mill and four rectories. In
peaceful times this property would be valued at £26 15 shillings 4 pence but owing to
rebellions much of the property was in waste and thus only valued at 72 shillings.[80]
The farming estates were at
Rincrew (50 acres plus tithes) valued at 33 shillings 4 pence but waste in
1541; Kilnecanaghe (100 acres) valued at 66 shillings 8 pence but in waste; Donmoone
(50 acres) valued at 33 shillings 4 pence but again in waste, and an unidentified
place with 180 acres valued at 20 shillings but like other parts of the Molana
estate in waste in 1541.
The rectories and associated
property was Templemichael rectory plus the tithes of 2 mills and 6 weirs; Kilcockan
rectory plus land valued at 6 shillings 8 pence but waste in 1541; Kilwatermoy
rectory and Tallow rectory which was worth 40 shillings when leased but in 1541
was in waste and unoccupied.[81]
Post-Reformation Molana
After the dissolution of Molana
the site and estate were granted by the crown to the Earls of Desmond. But
following the First Desmond Rebellion the crown took back Molana and gave it in
1572 to John Thickpenny, the victualler of the English army in Munster. In 1584
a proposed grant of the abbey to the town of Youghal was considered by the
Council of Ireland but not implemented.[82]
John Thickpenny died in 1583 and his widow was deprived of Molana in 1586. In
that year Sir Walter Raleigh acquired Molana along with his other 42,000 acre
grant from the crown. In about 1587 Thomas Hariot came to live at Molana Abbey
following the publication of his book, A
Briefe and True Report of the New Found Land of Virginia. The Hariot family
lived at Molana for several periods until 1597.[83]
After a number of owners Molana
came to Sir Richard Boyle in 1608.[84]
Boyle gave the estate to his nephew Sir Percy Smyth of Ballynatray and Molana
continues to be an integral part of the Ballynatray estate to this day.
==============================
The Abbots and Priors
St. Molanfide in sixth century
Abbot Fachnan Mongach in late
sixth century[85]
Abbot Fer-da-crich before 747[86]
Abbot Daniel before 777[87]
Abbot Flann before 819[88]
Abbot Subneus before 829[89]
Prior Peter de Insula resigned as
abbot in 1287[90]
[Canon Patrick Power gives his name as John de Insula][91]
Prior Philip until resigned in 1296[94]
Prior Philip Fury in 1296[95]
Abbot Thomas MacGrath in 1441[96]
Abbot John MacEniry in 1450[97]
Abbot John in 1462[98]
Abbot Leonard in 1475 and 1479[99]
Abbot John Yhacgeryn in 1492 and
1498[100]
Abbot Edmund Fitzgibbon in 1492
Abbot John Yhacgeryn in 1498[101]
=====================
The end of the interim report on
the history of Molana Abbey, Co. Waterford
=====================
It is hoped to write a future
article on the material structure of Molana Abbey ruins.
=====================
End of post
=====================
[1]
A. Gwynn & R.N. Hadcock, Medieval
Religious House: Ireland (Irish Academic Press, Dublin, 1988), p. 187
[2]
Rev. Patrick Power, ‘The abbey of Molana, Co. Waterford’, in the Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries
of Ireland, Vol. LXII (1932), p. 142
[4]
A. Gwynn & R.N. Hadcock, Medieval Religious
House: Ireland (Irish Academic Press, Dublin, 1988), p. 187
[5]
Rev. Patrick Power, ‘The abbey of Molana, Co. Waterford’, in the Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries
of Ireland, Vol. LXII (1932), p. 143
[6]
Gearóid Mac Niocaill, Ireland before the
Vikings (Gill & Macmillan, Dublin, 1972), p. 146
[7]
Canon Patrick Power, ‘The abbey of Molana, Co. Waterford’, in the Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries
of Ireland, Vol. LXII (1932), p. 143
[8]
A. Gwynn & R.N. Hadcock, Medieval
Religious House: Ireland (Irish Academic Press, Dublin, 1988), p. 187
[9]
William M. Hennessy (ed.), Annals of
Ulster (4 vols. Stationery Office, Dublin, 1887), 747; A. Gwynn & R.N.
Hadcock, Medieval Religious House:
Ireland (Irish Academic Press, Dublin, 1988), p. 187
[10]
A. Gwynn & R.N. Hadcock, Medieval
Religious House: Ireland (Irish Academic Press, Dublin, 1988), p. 45;
Sarah Sanderlin, ‘The monastery of Lismore A.D.
638-1111’, in Waterford History and
Society, edited by William Nolan & Thomas P. Power (Geography Publications,
Dublin, 1992), p. 36
[11]
Rick Prendergast, East Cork in Early
Christian Times (no date), p. 116
[12]
Canon Patrick Power, ‘The abbey of Molana, Co. Waterford’, in the Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries
of Ireland, Vol. LXII (1932), p. 143
[13]
A. Gwynn & R.N. Hadcock, Medieval
Religious House: Ireland, p. 187
[14]
A. Gwynn & R.N. Hadcock, Medieval
Religious House: Ireland, p. 187
[15]
Canon Patrick Power, ‘The abbey of Molana, Co. Waterford’, in the Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries
of Ireland, Vol. LXII (1932), p. 143
[16]
A.T. Lucas, ‘The Plundering and Burning of Churches in Ireland, 7th
to 16th Century’, in North
Munster Studies: Essays in Commemoration of Monsignor Michael Moloney,
edited by Etienne Rynne (Thomond Archaeological Society, Limerick, 1967), p.
217
[17]
Canon Patrick Power, ‘The abbey of Molana, Co. Waterford’, in the Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries
of Ireland, Vol. LXII (1932), p. 143
[18]
A. Gwynn & R.N. Hadcock, Medieval
Religious House: Ireland, p. 187
[19]
Sean Mac Airt (ed.), Annals of Inisfallen
(Dublin Institute of Advanced Studies, 1977), 833
[20]
A. Gwynn & R.N. Hadcock, Medieval
Religious House: Ireland (Irish Academic Press, Dublin, 1988), p. 187
[21]
A. Gwynn & R.N. Hadcock, Medieval
Religious House: Ireland (Irish Academic Press, Dublin, 1988), p. 372
[22]
Catryn Power & Martin Doody, ‘Archaeological excavation on Abbey Island,
Darrynane’, in Journal of the Kerry
Archaeological & Historical Society, No. 21 (1988), p. 166
[23]
Catryn Power & Martin Doody, ‘Archaeological excavation on Abbey Island,
Darrynane’, in Journal of the Kerry
Archaeological & Historical Society, No. 21 (1988), pp. 166-170
[24]
Rev. James MacCaffrey (ed.), The Black
Book of Limerick (M.H. Gill, Dublin, 1907), pp. 113, 120, 147; Canon Patrick
Power, ‘The abbey of Molana, Co. Waterford’, in the Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, Vol. LXII
(1932), p. 145
[25]
Rev. James MacCaffrey (ed.), The Black
Book of Limerick (M.H. Gill, Dublin, 1907), p. 147
[26]
Newport B. White (ed.), Extents of Irish
Monastic Possessions, 1540-1541 (Irish Manuscripts Commission, Dublin,
1943), p. 148
[27]
H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of
Documents relating to Ireland (Kraus reprint, 1974), Vol. 3 (1285-1292),
nos. 314, 321
[28]
H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of
Documents relating to Ireland (Kraus reprint, 1974), Vol. 3 (1285-1292),
nos. 707, 711
[29]
A. Gwynn & R.N. Hadcock, Medieval
Religious House: Ireland (Irish Academic Press, Dublin, 1988), p. 187
[30]
H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of
Documents relating to Ireland (Kraus reprint, 1974), Vol. 3 (1285-1292),
nos. 316, 317
[31]
Canon Patrick Power, ‘The abbey of Molana, Co. Waterford’, in the Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries
of Ireland, Vol. LXII (1932), p. 145
[32]
Canon Patrick Power, ‘The abbey of Molana, Co. Waterford’, in the Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries
of Ireland, Vol. LXII (1932), p. 145
[33]
J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal
Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume IX, 1431-1447 (Stationery
Office, London, 1912), p. 194
[34]
J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal
Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume IX, 1431-1447 (Stationery
Office, London, 1912), p. 183
[35]
J.A. Twemlow (eds.), Calendar of Papal
Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume X, 1447-1455 (Stationery
Office, London, 1915), p. 451
[36]
A. Gwynn & R.N. Hadcock, Medieval
Religious House: Ireland (Irish Academic Press, Dublin, 1988), p. 187
[37]
J.A. Twemlow (eds.), Calendar of Papal
Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume X, 1447-1455 (Stationery
Office, London, 1915), p. 507
[38]
J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal
Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XI, 1455-1464 (Stationery
Office, London, 1921), p. 346
[39]
J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal
Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XII, 1458-1471 (Stationery
Office, London, 1933), pp. 111, 358
[40]
J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal
Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XII, 1458-1471 (Stationery
Office, London, 1933), p. 152
[41]
J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal
Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XII, 1458-1471 (Stationery
Office, London, 1933), p. 165
[42]
J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal
Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XI, 1455-1464 (Stationery
Office, London, 1921), p. 628
[43]
J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal
Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XII, 1458-1471 (Stationery
Office, London, 1933), p. 156
[44]
J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal
Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XI, 1455-1464 (Stationery
Office, London, 1921), p. 684
[45]
J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal
Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XI, 1455-1464 (Stationery
Office, London, 1921), p. 475
[46]
A. Gwynn & R.N. Hadcock, Medieval
Religious House: Ireland (Irish Academic Press, Dublin, 1988), p. 187
[47]
J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal
Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XI, 1455-1464 (Stationery
Office, London, 1921), pp. 491, 492
[48]
J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal
Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XII, 1458-1471 (Stationery
Office, London, 1933), p. 555
[49]
J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal
Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XII, 1458-1471 (Stationery
Office, London, 1933), p. 658
[50]
J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal
Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XII, 1458-1471 (Stationery
Office, London, 1933), p. 707
[51]
J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal
Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XII, 1458-1471 (Stationery
Office, London, 1933), p. 246
[52]
J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal
Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XII, 1458-1471 (Stationery
Office, London, 1933), p. 666
[53]
J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal
Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XIII, 1471-1484 (Stationery
Office, London, 1955), p. 477
[54]
J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal
Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XII, 1458-1471 (Stationery
Office, London, 1933), p. 668
[55]
J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal
Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XII, 1458-1471 (Stationery
Office, London, 1933), p. 357
[56]
J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal
Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XII, 1458-1471 (Stationery
Office, London, 1933), p. 809
[57]
J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal
Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XIII, 1471-1484 (Stationery
Office, London, 1955), p. 388
[58]
J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal
Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XIII, 1471-1484 (Stationery
Office, London, 1955), p. 40
[59]
J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal
Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XIII, 1471-1484 (Stationery
Office, London, 1955), p. 420
[60]
J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal
Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XIII, 1471-1484 (Stationery
Office, London, 1955), p. 407; A. Gwynn & R.N. Hadcock, Medieval Religious House: Ireland (Irish
Academic Press, Dublin, 1988), p. 187
[61]
J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal
Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XIII, 1471-1484 (Stationery
Office, London, 1955), pp. 452, 453
[62]
J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal
Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XIII, 1471-1484 (Stationery
Office, London, 1955), p. 677
[63]
J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal
Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XIII, 1471-1484 (Stationery
Office, London, 1955), p. 719
[64]
J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal
Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XIII, 1471-1484 (Stationery
Office, London, 1955), p. 774
[65]
Michael J. Hearn (ed.), Calendar of Papal
Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XV, 1484-1492, Innocent
VIII (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1978), no. 614
[66]
Michael J. Hearn (ed.), Calendar of Papal
Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XV, 1484-1492, Innocent
VIII (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1978), nos. 438, 614
[67]
Michael J. Hearn (ed.), Calendar of Papal
Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XV, 1484-1492, Innocent VIII
(Stationery Office, Dublin, 1978), no. 953
[68]
J.A. Twemlow (ed.), Calendar of Papal
Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XIII, 1471-1484 (Stationery
Office, London, 1955), p. 833
[69]
Michael J. Hearn (ed.), Calendar of Papal
Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XV, 1484-1492, Innocent VIII
(Stationery Office, Dublin, 1978), no. 311
[70]
Michael J. Hearn (ed.), Calendar of Papal
Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XV, 1484-1492, Innocent VIII
(Stationery Office, Dublin, 1978), no. 910
[71]
Michael J. Hearn (ed.), Calendar of Papal
Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XV, 1484-1492, Innocent
VIII (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1978), nos. 617, 917
[72]
Michael J. Hearn (ed.), Calendar of Papal
Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XV, 1484-1492, Innocent
VIII (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1978), no. 873
[73]
Michael J. Hearn (ed.), Calendar of Papal
Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XV, 1484-1492, Innocent
VIII (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1978), no. 875
[74]
Anne P. Fuller (ed.), Calendar of Papal
Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XVI, 1492-1498, Alexander
VI (Irish Manuscripts Commission, Dublin, 1986), no. 759
[75]
Anne P. Fuller (ed.), Calendar of Papal
Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XVII, Part I, 1492-1503,
Alexander VI (Irish Manuscripts Commission, Dublin, 1994), no. 573
[76]
Anne P. Fuller (ed.), Calendar of Papal
Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XVII, Part II, 1492-1503,
Alexander VI (Irish Manuscripts Commission, Dublin, 1998), no. 53
[77]
Anne P. Fuller (ed.), Calendar of Papal
Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XVII, Part I, 1492-1503,
Alexander VI (Irish Manuscripts Commission, Dublin, 1994), no. 158
[78]
Anne P. Fuller (ed.), Calendar of Papal
Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XVII, Part I, 1492-1503,
Alexander VI (Irish Manuscripts Commission, Dublin, 1994), no. 852
[79]
Michael J. Hearn (ed.), Calendar of Papal
Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XIX, 1503-1513, Julius II
(Irish Manuscripts Commission, Dublin, 1998), no. 112
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