Friday, December 13, 2013

Mocollop Castle, Co. Waterford: A history of a medieval castle: Chapters one & two

Mocollop Castle, Co. Waterford:
A history of a medieval castle

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

Chapter one
   
    Mocollop Castle is situated on the north side of the River Blackwater and about half way between Fermoy and Lismore. It rises above the floodplain on a rock outcrop like a battleship in full sail on the open sea.

Location map of Mocollop with the surrounding castles and towns

A writer for the Dublin Penny Journal in 1834 said that the castle “has at present a very picturesque appearance when viewed in almost any direction but particularly across the river”. Today, one hundred and eighty years on, the view from the south side of the river is still the best view, especially at about three in the afternoon on a sunny day in summer. On such days, with the sun shining on the stonework, the whole castle comes alive and the beauty of the scene gives the appearance of a building just recently built. Yet it’s history is quite old and interesting.

The name of Mocollop means the “plain of the cattle”. The history of the castle is the story of the Norman invasion and colonisation of Ireland. Dermot MacMurrough, the deposed king of Leinster, invited the Normans to Ireland in 1167. Yet they had an interest in the country since at least 1155.[1] In that year the only English Pope, Adrian IV, granted a papal bull allowing the Normans to invade and conquer Ireland. Adrian IV was a good friend of King Henry II of England.[2]

Bannow Island on the south Wexford coast was the site of the first landing in 1169 and in the following year the main invasion force arrived. Shortly after Waterford city fell to the Normans and it was here that Richard de Clare, Earl of Stirgul and known as “Strongbow”, married Eva, the daughter of Dermot MacMurrough. By this marriage de Clare became the heir to the kingdom of Leinster on the death of Dermot. The Normans quickly advanced across present day County Waterford known then as the kingdom of the Déisi. The Déisi king had been captured at Waterford and so little effect resistance was forthcoming.  

King Henry II arrived in Ireland in 1171 to establish his authority over the Normans lords and to receive submissions from the Irish kings. In the course of his travels around the country he visited Lismore for talks with the bishop of Lismore who was the Papal Legate to Ireland at the time and thus an important man to have on the English side.[3] It is unlikely that a castle stood at Mocollop in 1171. When Raymond “le Gros” Fitzgerald sacked Lismore in 1173 in order to get funds to pay his troops no impression is given for the existence of Mocollop Castle.[4]

In 1175, one year after “Strongbow” suffered a heavy defeat at Thurles; the Normans had sufficiently recovered their position to declare all the land between Waterford and Dungarvan as crown property. Two years later, in 1177, this area was extended as far as Lismore. The royal land was further extended along the north side of the River Blackwater to near the present county boundary or to where the Araglin River meets the Blackwater River. The new marshal of these royal lands was Sir Robert de Poer, ancestor of the Powers of Waterford.[5]

It is possible by or shortly after 1177 that a motte and bailey type castle was built on the Round Hill, just east of Lismore. The nature of this structure is unknown as no archaeological excavation has ever taken place to determine the type of castle. It did not stay long in perfect condition according to the Annals of Leinster. In 1181 Cuilén O Cuilén and O’Faoláin, king of the Déisi, marched on Lismore and razed the castle there. In the battle they killed sixty to eighty Norman soldiers and went on to take all the castles in the Déisi and Ossory.[6] 

After this set back, the Normans got reinforcements from England and re-established control of present-day County Waterford. In 1185 Prince John, son of Henry II, came to Ireland and in the course of his travels visited Lismore. There he ordered a stone castle to be built on the site of the present Lismore Castle. From there Prince John went over the Knockmealdown Mountains to established two more stone castles at Ardfinnan and Tibberaghny in south west Kilkenny.[7] These three stone castles were to defend the crown lands of Waterford.

It is possible that some structure was built at Mocollop around this time of 1185. If such was the case the building would be of timber and any trace of it would lie within the foundations of the present castle. This timber castle lasted for a number of years and was not replaced by a stone building until about 1220. Without documentary evidence to confirm the existence of a timber castle or to say for sure that the stone structure was built in 1220 we are reliant of archaeological and architectural evidence.

The core of Mocollop Castle is its circular keep. Most castles of the period around the end of the 12th century had a square keep as the principal tower. The Tower of London and Trim Castle in County Meath would be examples of this type. The circular keep is more unique and rare. Such towers are known as donjon and originated in France in the late 12th century. King Philip Augustus of France had a special engineer corp. for the construction and maintenance of these rounds keeps.[8]

Ground plan of Mocollop Castle

The donjon never caught on in England but Wales has a few good examples which were built from about 1150 to 1250.[9] The English possessions in modern France contain excellent examples of the donjon. The castle of Château Gaillard (1191) on the River Seine north of Paris is possibly the finest of this castle type. It stood on the boundary of Normandy and was the principle gate way into the English province.   

In Ireland there are a limited number of donjon type castles. Dundrum Castle in County down was built around 1195,[10] while Nenagh Castle, County Tipperary, was built around 1216.[11] The lighthouse at Hook Head, County Wexford is also a donjon keep and was built around 1218. Unlike other donjon keeps where the division between each floor is flat, the Hook donjon has a vault over each floor because it was purposely built as a lighthouse and fire safety considerations were uppermost in the builder’s mind.[12] The flat division between each floor is also a good feature for dating evidence. Later round castles and tower houses of the 15th and 16th century such as at Carrigabrick had a vault over one or two floors but the donjons from around 1200 do not have any vaulting.

Another common feature of Mocollop with Nenagh and The Hook is that they all have the stairway built within the thickness of the donjon outer wall. All three stairways travel up in an anticlockwise direction.[13] The common features to all three structures would suggest that Mocollop is contemporary with Nenagh and The Hook and the same building firm may have been involved with all three. The close association between Mocollop and The Hook is further seen in the size of both buildings. Both have an external diameter of around 12.4 meters and an overall height of about 22 meters.[14]

Yet it is important to get more evidence to show a construction date of around 1220. For this we look to the wider political environment. The original castle at Mocollop was a ringwork type structure. This involved a flat area surrounded by a bank with a ditch outside that possibly full of water. A timber fence or sometimes a stone wall would be placed upon the bank. The buildings inside were a mixture of timber and stone construction. This castle survived until about 1220 because until that time there was no need to build a stone castle on the site. The stone castle at Lismore provided the chief defence location for west Waterford. In August 1220 the viceroy of Ireland, Henry de Londres, Archbishop of Dublin, issued an order to restore Lismore to cathedral city status.[15] 

Since about 1197 the Bishop of Waterford had been attempting to take over the Diocese of Lismore. At that time Waterford city and the barony of Gaultier formed a diocese on its own and was under Norman influence. The rest of County Waterford and a large part of south Tipperary along with Kilworth, County Cork was part of the Diocese of Lismore with Lismore as the cathedral centre. This diocese was under Irish influence.[16]

In 1204 Lismore was confirmed by the Irish church as a separate diocese from Waterford but successive bishops of the city would not accept the ruling. By 1219 Pope Honorius III had to issue a ruling confirming the separate status of Lismore and got three English bishops to persuade the viceroy in Dublin to also confirm Lismore as a cathedral city.[17] Part of the deal allowed for the bishop of Lismore to take over the stone castle there to form his bishop’s palace. This move left the whole of west Waterford undefended and so promoted the building of a stone castle at Mocollop which was outside the lands of the Lismore bishop and under the control of the civil government.

Another influence to suggest a date of about 1220 for Mocollop is in the person of Thomas Fitz Anthony. [Link to article = about Thomas Fitz Anthony Article] Thomas Fitz Anthony was sheriff of County Waterford since 1215 and so head of the civil government in the county. He was also at the same time seneschal of Leinster under William Marshal, 1st Earl of Pembroke.[18] This William Marshal also owned the town of New Ross and Hook Head. It was this William who in around 1218 commissioned the building of the lighthouse as an aid for ships coming to New Ross.[19] Marshal’s own castle at Pembroke in Wales was of the round donjon type built around 1190.[20] Thomas Fitz Anthony was therefore well aware of the donjon type castle and the builders of same. Thus when he needed a new castle to defend west Waterford the donjon came to Mocollop.

Around the donjon at Mocollop were four square towers of which three remain. This design was repeated, or copied from, the donjon at Gowran, County Kilkenny. There a round keep was surrounded by four square towers. This structure was knocked in 1713 to make way for the present Gowran castle.[21] The owner of Gowran was Theobald Fitz Walter and in 1185 he had been granted the Nenagh area by Prince John.[22]  

All these round keeps like Mocollop were at the end of the fashion cycle. Within a few years the donjon type castle was no longer in fashion. From 1225 onwards people built the keep-less castle. Local examples of this type are at Mogeely and Aghern on the River Bride. In this type of castle all the buildings were constructed around the inside of the outer wall while the circle of the court was left empty. The weakness of the donjon was that once the outer walls were breeched that donjon was not effective enough to defend itself. The keep-less castle concentrated all its energy on strengthen the outer wall especially the weak point of the gateway and prevent entry.

The gateway of Mocollop had a drawbridge with a portcullis behind. A timber causeway led away from the drawbridge towards the modern road. It is possible that the course of the Blackwater was slightly altered to provide a watery moat around the castle. Inside the gateway tower was a small rectangular enclosure with a small doorway between the round keep and the south range of buildings. The visitor is now in a large rectangular enclosure with a square tower at the north-east and south-east corners. The round keep had no doorway on the ground floor. Instead the visitor climbed a outside stone stairway travelling clockwise up the tower. Over the small doorway mentioned above the stairway turns 180 degrees and the visitor is now climbing up the outside of the round keep in an anticlockwise direction. At the north-east side of the round keep the visitor bends down as he passes through the outer wall of the keep. The stairway now continues in an anticlockwise direction up inside the keep and continues in this way up to the roof level. Vanished doorways led into the different floor levels while a wooden stairway inside the keep led down into the ground floor.     

The gate-house of Mocollop with the donjon keep behind.

To give greater defence to Mocollop Castle the wider landscape was brought into use. Five townlands on the south side of the river, now located in County Cork, were attached to Mocollop manor and became part of medieval County Waterford along with the townland of Ballinaroone. With these six townlands the defenders could better observe any approaches from the south, perhaps using a few wooden watchtowers. The location of Mocollop Castle down in the valley floor would not be able to provide sufficient advanced warning.

Yet another important townland was needed from south of the river to give around security for Mocollop. To see any approaches from the north the townland of Ballydorgan was needed. This present day County Cork townland was joined to medieval County Waterford and to the manor of Mocollop. So important was this townland that the Power family kept ownership of it when Mocollop passed out of their hands towards the end of the 13th century. In 1329 Ballydorgan was owned by Annora le Poer, second wife of John Fitz John Fitz William le Poer of the Shanagarry branch of the family.[23]

Chapter two

    If documentation about the construction of Mocollop is non-existent then sourcing any documents on the castle’s later history is just as difficult. The destruction of the Earldom of Desmond towards the end of the 16th century by two wars with the burning and looting of many castles caused many documents to vanish forever. Further losses occurred in the succeeding centuries culminating with the destruction of the Public Record Office during the Civil War of 1922-23 means that we are left with very few documents. The writings of antiquaries help fill the gaps.

We know that Sir Robert le Poer held the County Waterford in the 1180s which included Mocollop and that the Power family continued to own property in the area up to at least 1329. Yet finding who owned Mocollop for the first fifty years as a stone castle is as yet beyond our abilities to find out. In 1280 Philip le Blund (White) held Mocollop. He also held the land of Whitechurch near Cork city and may have given that place his name. Philip was said to be an ancestor of the Doneraile historian Lieutenant Colonel James Grove White.[24] 

At what time and by what means did the White family acquire Mocollop is unknown. The three usual options are by way of marriage, purchase or by gift of the crown.

In October 1285 Philip White of Mocollop and William Terry paid a half mark to the Dublin Exchequer for the pledge of Walter White.[25] The reason for this pledge is unknown but it possibly was to keep the peace or as insurance to fulfil a legal obligation. In May 1291 the vill of Mocollop paid 60s for allowing the escape of Richard Mariscis. The vill paid a further 40s in November 1291 for the same offence.[26] At that time the local manor was the first stage in the judicial process as well as been a landed estate. Local manors often placed local law breakers in their own local jail or secured facility. If a prisoner escaped the local vill or township was fined for allowing the escape when they should have had better incarceration facilities. 

Philip White had two sons the younger of whom got four carucates of land in the parish of Ballyclogh, near Mallow. The elder son called Alan White got Mocollop along with other lands in County Cork. Alan White died around 1290 leaving a daughter called Elena as heir. Elena White was only a child when her father died and so was made a ward of the crown. Odo de Barry was made her guardian.

The north side of Mocollop Castle showing L to R the north-east tower, the keep and the gate-house.

In 1298 William Fitz William de Barry got Elena White to transfer the manors of Ardonoyth and Talaghocorkeran, County Cork, into his ownership. About the same time Mocollop was transferred to Sir John de Barry of Castlelyons.[27]

Having said the above there is a reference in the Carew Manuscripts to Lord Barry claiming the possession of Mocollop in 1229 as his inheritance.[28] This needs further research as William Fitz Philip de Barry, Lord of Olethan in Ireland continued to hold his ancestral castle of Maynaurpir castle near Pembroke in Wales. The similar spelling of both locations, especially when trying to read abbreviated Latin hand writing that is over 700 years old, makes further research important before passing judgement.

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Link to chapters three and four = Chapters three and four

[Link to chapters five and six = Chapters five and six]

[Link to chapters seven and eight = Chapters seven and eight]
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[1] Richard Roche, The Norman invasion of Ireland (Anvil, Dublin, 1995), p. 91
[2] Richard Roche, The Norman invasion of Ireland, pp. 79-80
[3] Richard Roche, The Norman invasion of Ireland, p. 189
[4] Rev. Samuel Hayman, The hand book of Youghal (Field, Youghal, 1973), p. 3
[5] Patrick C. Power, History of Waterford City and County (de Paor, Dungarvan, 1998), p. 22
[6] Joseph Hansard, History of Waterford (Dungarvan, 1870), p. 7
[7] Giraldus Cambrensis, Expugnatio Hibernica: The English conquest of Ireland 1166-1185 (Kegan, London, 1896, reprinted 1998), edited by Frederick J. Furnivall, p. 148
[8] Rene Huyghe, Byzantine and Medieval Art (Hamlyn, Middlesex, 1974), p. 337
[9] William Colfer, ‘The tower of Hook’, in the Journal of the Wexford Historical Society, no. 10 (1984-5), p. 71
[10] Peter Harbison, Guide to National and Historic Monuments of Ireland (Gill & Macmillan, Dublin, 1992), p. 110
[11] Brian J. Hodkinson, ‘Excavations in the gatehouse of Nenagh Castle 1996 & 1997’, in Journal of the Tipperary Historical Society, 1999, p. 178
[12] William Colfer, ‘The tower of Hook’, in the Journal of the Wexford Historical Society, no. 10 (1984-5), pp. 73, 78
[13] William Colfer, ‘The tower of Hook’, in the Journal of the Wexford Historical Society, no. 10 (1984-5), p. 72, fig 1 & 2; Michael Moore (ed.), Archaeological Inventory of County Waterford (Duchas, Dublin, 1999), p. 214; Nancy Murphy, Nenagh Castle: chronology and architecture (Relay, Nenagh, 1993), p. 2
[14] William Colfer, ‘The tower of Hook’, in the Journal of the Wexford Historical Society, no. 10 (1984-5), p. 73; Michael Moore (ed.), Archaeological Inventory of County Waterford, p. 214
[15] Sr. Assumpta O’Neill, ‘History of the Waterford Diocese 1098-1363’, in Decies, no. 44, p. 12
[16] Patrick C. Power, History of Waterford City and County, p. 33
[17] Sr. Assumpta O’Neill, ‘History of the Waterford Diocese 1098-1363’, in Decies, no. 44, p. 12
[18] Ciarán Parker, ‘Local Government in County Waterford in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, part 1: The Office of Sheriff 1208-1305’, in Decies, no. 49, p. 19
[19] William Colfer, ‘The tower of Hook’, in the Journal of the Wexford Historical Society, no. 10 (1984-5), pp. 69-70
[20] Alan Reid, The castles of Wales (Letts, London, 1973), p. 116
[21] Mary Moran, ‘The Agars of Gowran (Lords Clifden and Callan)’, In the Shadow of the Steeple, vol. 2 (1990), p. 112
[22] Nancy Murphy, Nenagh Castle: chronology and architecture, p. 5
[23] Paul MacCotter and Kenneth Nicholls (eds.), The pipe roll of Cloyne (Cloyne), p. 146
[24] James Grove White, ‘Ancestors of the White family’, in the Journal of the Waterford and South East Archaeological Society, vol. 7 (1901), p. 101
[25] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of documents relating to Ireland (5 vols. Kraus-Thomson, Liechtenstein, 1974), vol. 3 (1285-1292), p. 54
[26] H.S. Sweetman (ed.), Calendar of documents relating to Ireland (5 vols. Kraus-Thomson, Liechtenstein, 1974), vol. 3 (1285-1292), pp. 396, 436
[27] Paul MacCotter and Kenneth Nicholls (eds.), The pipe roll of Cloyne (Cloyne), p. 215
[28] J.S. Brewer & William Bullen (eds.), Calendar of Carew manuscripts at Lambeth (Liechtenstein, 1974 reprint), vol. 5, p. 370

Monday, December 9, 2013

Henry de Pont-Audemer: a royal official of King John and Henry III

Henry de Pont Audemer:
Royal official of King John and Henry III

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

While researching the fair of St. Botulph at Boston, Lincolnshire in the time of Henry III the name of Henry de Pont-Audemer turned up as one of the three king’s bailiffs charged with managing the fair around the year 1218. The other two men were Henry of Boston and Richard of Lynn (the trio also managed the fair at Lynn, Norfolk). Thus you had two local men and one outsider managing the local fairs one behalf of King Henry III. This short article is an attempt to write a biography on Henry de Pont-Audemer.

Normandy

Henry de Pont-Audemer was clearly not from the eastern counties of England. Instead he came from the town of Pont-Audemer in northern France. The town and district of Pont-Audemer is in the Eure Department of Normandy, just south-east of Harfleur. The Duchy of Normandy was linked to England and the English throne since 1066 when Duke William “the bastard” of Normandy defeated the English King Harold at the Battle of Hastings. Many people crossed over to England during the conquest of England and in the decades afterwards. One of the notable families to cross over from the Pont-Audemer area was the Beaumont family, Earls of Warwick, who descended from Thurolf de Pont-Audemer, seigneur of Pont-Audemer (c.950-c.979).

A street scene in Pont-Audemer that Henry de Pont-Audemer could have seen

From 1066 the Kings of England held Normandy as vassals of the King of France. Their relationship with the Kings of France was often uneasy as both sides tried to better the other. In 1200 King John signed the Treaty of Le Goulet with Philip II of France whereby the latter recognised John’s lands in France. The Treaty was only a break between wars as in 1202 the war between England and France was renewed. King John scored some early victories but alienated many nobles in Normandy, Anjou and Brittany. In 1204 Philip II conquered Normandy and annexed it to the Kingdom of France.

The people of Normandy now had to decide where they wanted to live. Many of the nobles and the religious houses had land in Normandy and England. Some stayed in Normandy while others crossed over and made their permanent home in England. One person who stayed in Normandy was Luke son of John and by so staying forfeited his estates in England.[1] This loss will appear later in the story of Henry de Pont-Audemer.
A witness to all this change was our central character, Henry de Pont-Audemer. It would seem that Henry de Pont-Audemer was no great lord but still he was of a family that had money. His later service as a royal judge and king’s bailiffs would require some education and education in any age costs money. It would appear that Henry de Pont-Audemer became part of this movement of people across the Channel. He arrived in England sometime before 1208 and quickly attached himself to the royal court of King John where he took on the job of a royal justice. It is possible he was previously a royal official in Normandy but no documentary evidence has yet come to light.

Royal justice in England

The earliest record I have found for Henry de Pont-Audemer is from Easter 1208 at Westminster. Here the royal court sat in session hearing cases from the London area. Thomas Preston was in argument with Abbot Ralph of Westminster Abbey concerning the advowson of Parham in Sussex. At the Easter court, before King John, and Henry de Pont-Audemer, Simon de Pateshulle, and James de Poterne as royal justices, Thomas Preston quitclaimed the advowson to the abbey in return for perpetual prayers.[2]

After its stay in Westminster the royal court moved to the ancient royal city of Winchester. Here Henry de Pont-Audemer continued to act as a royal justice in the service of King John. On 8th June 1208, before King John himself, and Henry de Pont-Audemer along with Simon de Pateshulle and James de Poterne a final concord agreement was made for the grant of an advowson to Plympton Priory. William de Vernon, 5th Earl of Devon, had granted the advowson of Exminister church to Plympton Priory and the court before the king was to seal the deal.[3]

At the same court sitting at Winchester in June 1208 Henry de Pont-Audemer oversaw another land deed relating to Devon. Ranulph de Albamarle claimed 40s worth of land in Dean and Tavy St. Mary from William son of Stephen. Ranulph de Albamarle showed a charter to the court whereby the father of William had granted to the father of Ranulph all his land at Tavy St. Mary along with half the advowson of the church and half the mill. The court accepted Ranulph’s claim.[4]

In March 1210 Henry de Pont-Audemer was back at Winchester with King John and the royal court. Among the law cases that were heard by King John, Henry de Pont-Audemer, Simon de Pateshulle, James Poterne and John de Brewese was one from Devon concerning one knight’s fee in Berry Narbor. The case was brought by William Painel against Philip de Nerebert, tenant, to acknowledge that the fee belonged to William Painel. For this acknowledgement William Painel gave Philip de Nerebert the fee for 5 marks of silver and 15 marks of silver from William Brewere. Both were to hold the fee from William Painel and his heirs.[5]

The Great Hall at Winchester where the royal court sat

In mid-summer 1210 the royal court moved northwards to Northampton where Henry de Pont-Audemer again appears as a royal justice. On this occasion the court oversaw the final concord between Abbot Ralph of Westminster and Simon of Deene where the latter quitclaimed the advowson of Uppingham church, Rutlandshire to Westminster Abbey.[6]   

On 17th February 1211, at Dorchester, the three royal justices of Pateshulle, Poterne and Pont-Audemer were joined by Robert de Aumar and Roger Huscarl to make another final concord for the Redvers family in the presence of King John. On this occasion it was the recognition by Hawise de Redvers that her brother, William de Vernon, 5th Earl of Devon, held the manor of Ibberton (Dorset), while the Earl recognised her right to have the manor of Honiton (Devon) for her life.[7]

In 1214 Henry de Pont-Audemer again acted as a royal justice with Pateshulle, Poterne and Huscarl among others. In that year they were witnesses, along with a lease six clerics from the Diocese of Lincoln, to a document of the Benedictine Abbey of Eynsham in Oxfordshire. The document suggested that Eynsham Abbey had a claim of seniority over the Benedictine Priory of Luffield in Buckinghamshire. This claim was accepted by the royal officials and the clerics who were present. Yet the cartulary of Luffield shows no trace of any evidence as to why Eynsham should have such a claim.[8]

Royal bailiff for King John

At other times during the reign of King John, Henry de Pont-Audemer left his judge’s seat to act as a royal bailiff in lands that were escheated to the crown. As mentioned earlier a person called Luke, son of John le Normaund, disowned his fealty to King John in 1204 and had his lands in Devonshire at Teyngwick (now known as Highweek parish and part of the town of Newtown Abbot), Oburnford and Diptford forfeited to the crown. When Theobald de Englesville was granted these lands in 1230, it was said that Henry de Pont-Audemer held Teyngwick in the reign of King John as the king’s bailiff.[9] Many years later in 1218 Henry de Pont-Audemer received these three manors as a contribution towards his government salary.[10] This grant was reconfirmed in 1221 but with provision of 100s per year to Eustachia de Courtenay, wife of Luke son of John.[11]

Loss and recovery under Henry III

As a long time associated of King John, Henry de Pont-Audemer suffered with his king against the barons in the troubled year of 1215. In the subsequent civil war and foreign invasion Henry de Pont-Audemer must have been put at a loss. King John died in October 1216 and by the following year the wars were over. In the jostle for position in the new reign of Henry III, Henry de Pont-Audemer lost his salt rights in Hampshire but not for long.   

In 1217 the sheriff of Hampshire was ordered to restore to Henry de Pont-Audemer the possession of his customs of salt at Pennington and Efford in the parish of Milford. Henry did not long enjoy these customs as in 1219 the sheriff was ordered to give seisin to the men of Southampton in whose vill the customs lay.[12]

Royal bailiff in the Earldom of Devon

Towards the end of 1217 Henry de Pont-Audemer was again involved with the Redvers family. On 10th September 1217 William de Vernon, Earl of Devon, died leaving a year old grandson as heir. A long minority in an important lordship was now a reality. King John had tried to avoid the issue by an arranged marriage between William’s daughter-in-law, Margaret and a “foreigner”, Fawkes de Breaute. Earl William refused to acknowledge the marriage and refused to settle any lands on Margaret while the use of a “foreigner” by King John only added to his problems with the barons. After the death of Earl William, Fawkes de Breaute tried to secure the Earldom.[13]

The new government of Henry III was not about to allow conditions to develop for a new baron’s war. On the 15th September the crown appointed Henry de Pont-Audemer and Ralph de Norwich to administrate the late Earl’s property in Devonshire and Hampshire. They were also to get custody of Plimpton castle.[14]  In November Henry de Pont-Audemer was appointed the king’s clerk to overseas the proper management of the Earl’s property in Devonshire.[15]

Continued Normandy connections

In May 1218, Henry de Pont-Audemer made a pledge of ten marks, at court, for the fine of Robert Marmion, junior. The latter had inherited land in Normandy and England and the fine was so he could succeed to his English lands.[16] Henry de Pont-Audemer possibly knew the Marmion family in Normandy.

Royal bailiff of the Boston fair

In June 1218 Henry III issued an order to the sheriff of Lincolnshire and the merchants and others attending the fair of St. Botulph at Boston to be respectful to the king’s bailiffs. Shortly before this order, the king had appointed Henry de Pont-Audemer, Henry of Boston and Richard of Lynn to be the king’s bailiffs for the fairs at Lynn (later King’s Lynn) in Norfolk and at Boston.[17] A further order to the sheriff of Lincolnshire was issued relating to the previous bailiffs of the Boston fair. The sheriff was to distrain these people from the start of October 1217 and deliver any issues and pleas, determined or not, by these people to the three king’s bailiffs.[18]

St. Botulph's church at Boston, Lincolnshire

With Henry of Boston and Richard of Lynn providing the local knowledge, Henry de Pont-Audemer was there to represent the king. At Lynn fair Henry de Pont-Audemer seized wool belonging to the Hospital of Lincoln after it was received by some merchants from Ghent. The Ghent merchants had owed King John ten marks. An order was issued from London to Henry de Pont-Audemer and his two partners to return the wool to the Hospital.[19]

Despite the presence of foreign merchants at the Lynn fair it was the fair of St. Botul[h at Boston which was the big one. In 1204, Boston had become the second port of England, providing customs duty revenues of £780, only slightly behind London's £836.[20] During the fair of St. Botulph the three bailiffs gathered £105 6s 4½d for the king. But not all of this money was profit for the king. In July Henry de Pont-Audemer was told to deliver £16 and 6lbs of pepper, collected at the fair, to the bailiff of the Count of Brittany.[21]

Later in 1218 the Count of Brittany, who was lord of Boston and a substantial English landowner as Earl of Richmond, filed a bill for expenses with the government. On 9th November 1218 an order was issued to the itinerant justices for Lincolnshire to inquire if £15 6s 2d held by Henry de Pont-Audemer and the other bailiffs was gathered within the vill of Boston. If it was then the Count of Brittany was to have that amount without delay.[22]

The Count of Brittany, also known as the duke of Brittany, was Peter of Dreux. He took the French side when King John invaded France in 1214. As such Peter’s lands in England were taken over by the crown. By 1218 Peter had been reconciled to the English court and in that year William Marshal restored Peter as Earl of Richmond. Throughout 1218 and 1219 Peter began to assume the property of the Earldom outside Yorkshire where the bulk of the income was generated. The Earldom inside Yorkshire was held by the Earl of Chester who was too powerful to remove.[23] 

Changed of government & international travel

In November 1218 Henry de Pont-Audemer and Ralph de Norwich, clerk, were made king’s bailiffs by William Marshal to hold the custodies of Northampton.[24] After the death of William Marshal in April 1219 the management of the government for the young Henry III fell to Bishop Pandalf, Peter de Roches and Hubert de Burgh. By 1221 Hubert de Burgh had got Bishop Pandalf and Peter de Roches out of the government and out of the country on the back of an anti-foreigners movement. It is not known how Henry de Pont-Audemer was seen by his contemporaries at this time.

In 1222 Henry de Pont-Audemer got special protection until Easter 1223 as he went to Normandy on business.[25] The natural of this business is unclear. It possibly was a combination of family business and international diplomacy. The armies of Philip II were active in the War of Succession in the Champagne region. This war concluded in May 1222. The English government possibly had fears that Philip would attack the remaining English possessions in France. If Henry de Pont-Audemer’s journey was to avoid such attack it seemed to work.

In the closing months of 1222 or very early in 1223 Henry de Pont-Audemer returned to England. In January 1223 Henry de Pont-Audemer was made custodian of the New Forest near Southampton with Richard de Therstewood.[26] Henry de Pont-Audemer had long held property in Hampshire and knew the area well. 

Supporting the war of 1230

In about the year 1229 Henry de Pont-Audemer gave the king three marks as payment for the two parts of a knight’s fee that he held in Hampshire.[27] Henry III had assumed the government in his own right in 1227 and was preparing an invasion of France to recover his ancestral lands and help his allies like the Duke of Brittany. Henry de Pont-Audemer’s payment was to pay for the assembling army. The army arrived in Brittany in May 1230 and after a mixed campaign in the Poitou region the army went south to Gascony from where Henry III returned to England.[28]

After 1229 Henry de Pont-Audemer seems to disappear from the records. His name does not appear in the inquisitions post mortem of Henry III. After years of royal service it seems that Henry de Pont-Audemer held no land directly from the king.

The family of Henry de Pont-Audemer

The family of Henry de Pont-Audemer is as yet unknown. He did leave at least one heir, a daughter, called Agnes de Pont-Audemer. Later in the 13th century Agnes de Pont-Audemer was recorded as holding a fee in Ilsley under the Earl of Winchester in the county of Berkshire. This probably represents an early feoffment by one of the Beaumonts, who were lords of Pont-Audemer. Agnes, who married Ralph de Neirnut, had an estate there as late as 1251–2. She later granted all her lands, rents and tenements in West Ilsley to the Prior of Sandleford, who is returned as tenant in 1270. In 1313 the priory obtained a confirmation of the grant and of a further gift from William de Cherleton.[29]

All Saints Church at West Ilsley from Berkshirehistory.com

Conclusion

The date of Agnes’s death is unknown and the family of her husband, Ralph de Neirnut, seem to disappear from the records. Thus we end the life of a royal servant who stayed in England after his home town in Normandy fell to the French. His name and family faded into the mists until brought back to life eight hundred years later – the wonders of modern science.  

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End of post

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[1] Henry Summerson (ed.), Crown pleas of the Devon Eyre of 1238 (Devon & Cornwall Record Society, New Series, Vol. 28, 1985), no. 166
[2] Emma Mason (ed.), Westminster Abbey Charters, 1066-c.1214 (London Record Society, vol. 25, 1988), no. 334
[3] Robert Bearman (ed.), Charters of the Redvers family and the Earldom of Devon, 1090-1217 (Devon & Cornwall Record Society, New Series, Vol. 37, 1994), pp. 138-9; Rev. Oswald J. Reichel (ed.), Devon feet of fines (Devon & Cornwall Record Society, 1912), Vol. 1, Richard I-Henry III, no. 59
[4] Rev. Oswald J. Reichel (ed.), Devon feet of fines, Vol. 1, Richard I-Henry III, no. 60
[5] Rev. Oswald J. Reichel (ed.), Devon feet of fines, Vol. 1, Richard I-Henry III, no. 61
[6] Emma Mason (ed.), Westminster Abbey Charters, 1066-c.1214, no. 338
[7] Robert Bearman (ed.), Charters of the Redvers family and the Earldom of Devon, 1090-1217, p. 140; Rev. Oswald J. Reichel (ed.), Devon feet of fines, Vol. 1, Richard I-Henry III, no. 62
[8] Rev. H.E. Salter (ed.), Eynsham Cartulary (2 vols. Oxford Historical Society, 1907-8), vol. 1, p. 172
[9] Calendar of the Patent Rolls, Henry III, 1225-1232, p. 400; Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem (Kraus reprint, 1973), Vol. 1, Henry III, nos. 548, 714; J.E.B. Gover, A. Mawer & F.M. Stenton, The place-names of Devon (2 vols. Cambridge University Press, 1932), Vol. 2, pp. 472-3
[10] Paul Dryburgh & Beth Hartland (eds.), Calendar of the Fine Rolls of the reign of Henry III (Boydell Press & National Archives, 2007), Vol. 1 (1216-1224), no. 2/177
[11] Henry Summerson (ed.), Crown pleas of the Devon Eyre of 1238, nos. 166, 598, 722
[12] William Page (ed.), A History of the County of Hampshire (Victoria County History, 1912), Vol. 5, p. 116
[13] Robert Bearman (ed.), Charters of the Redvers family and the Earldom of Devon, 1090-1217, p. 16
[14] Calendar of the Patent Rolls, Henry III, 1216-1225, pp. 91-2
[15] Calendar of the Patent Rolls, Henry III, 1216-1225, p. 126
[16] Paul Dryburgh & Beth Hartland (eds.), Calendar of the Fine Rolls, Henry III, Vol. 1 (1216-1224), nos. 2/75, 2/81
[17] Paul Dryburgh & Beth Hartland (eds.), Calendar of the Fine Rolls, Henry III, Vol. 1 (1216-1224), nos. 2/115, 2/117; Calendar of the Patent Rolls, Henry III, 1216-1225, pp. 156-7
[18] Paul Dryburgh & Beth Hartland (eds.), Calendar of the Fine Rolls, Henry III, Vol. 1 (1216-1224), no. 2/118
[19] Paul Dryburgh & Beth Hartland (eds.), Calendar of the Fine Rolls, Henry III, Vol. 1 (1216-1224), no. 2/159
[20] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alan_Rufus accessed on 1st December 2013
[21] Paul Dryburgh & Beth Hartland (eds.), Calendar of the Fine Rolls, Henry III, Vol. 1 (1216-1224), nos. 2/161, 3/14
[22] Paul Dryburgh & Beth Hartland (eds.), Calendar of the Fine Rolls, Henry III, Vol. 1 (1216-1224), no. 3/14
[24] Calendar of the Patent Rolls, Henry III, 1216-1225, p. 178
[25] Calendar of the Patent Rolls, Henry III, 1216-1225, p. 333
[26] Calendar of the Patent Rolls, Henry III, 1216-1225, p. 401
[27] Paul Dryburgh & Beth Hartland (eds.), Calendar of the Fine Rolls, Henry III, Vol. 2 (1224-1234), no. 13/366
[29] William Page & P.H. Ditchfield (eds.), A History of the County of Berkshire (Victoria County History, 1924), Vol. 4, p. 35